Ireland’s place in Europe was never inevitable

The decision to join the European Union, then called the European Economic Community (EEC), has since become a defining moment in the history of the State. Fifty years on from the referendum held on May 10th, 1972, Irish people remain among the most supportive of EU membership.

With the benefit of hindsight, this is perhaps unsurprising because of the social and economic transformation that has occurred. However, much of that was unforeseen at the time. Following the referendum, Ireland officially joined the EEC on January 1st, 1973, alongside the United Kingdom and Denmark.

There were few grand celebrations. Ireland’s European moment was decidedly understated. Across Europe, the story was the accession of the UK, which finally joined after being blocked by the French president, Charles de Gaulle, for much of the 1960s.

Ireland’s European ambitions were firmly tied to those of the UK. Just as we could not join the EEC without them, it would have been difficult to remain outside if the UK entered. So, it could seem that we slipped in on the UK’s coat tails, our destiny once more determined by our large neighbour. There may be some truth in this, but indeed, it is only part of the story.

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Ireland's European ambitions were firmly tied to those of the UK. Just as we could not join the EEC without them, it would have been difficult to remain outside if the UK entered

In the 1950s, a small and determined group of people began to advocate and organise in support of “the idea of the essential unity of Europe and of the desirability of greater unity among the nations of Europe”. On January 11th, 1954, about 100 people gathered at the Shelbourne Hotel to form the Irish Council of the European Movement, now known as European Movement Ireland. The movement’s foundation, prominently covered by the national press, was a striking act in an Ireland that was still insular and protectionist.

Lemass milestone

The arrival of Seán Lemass in the taoiseach’s office in 1959 was another milestone. Lemass moved Europe to the centre of Irish foreign policy with the ultimate goal of EEC membership, a bold move considering the world view of previous governments. The pioneers in the Council of the European Movement and other supportive groups now had powerful political allies.

Throughout the 1960s, Ireland’s prospects for joining the EEC remained tied to those of the British. However, membership was now government policy. Ireland had little control over the high politics connected to UK accession so we focused on being prepared for when an opportunity arose. This meant demonstrating that Ireland’s economy could withstand membership, that our military neutrality and non-membership of Nato would not be problematic and sustained diplomatic efforts on both fronts. When de Gaulle resigned in 1969, enlargement was back on the agenda and Ireland was ready.

Ireland’s path to EU membership was distinctive. Our wartime experience differed from most of Europe, our democracy remained intact since the 1920s and our peripheral geographical position gave us a different perspective from many of those who joined before and since. The referendum campaign in 1972 was characterised by economic arguments, as have many of the campaigns since then. EEC membership was pursued as an economic opportunity, particularly to decouple our economy from Britain. Grand ideals of European unity were the purview of the committed few.

Pragmatic progress

So, in 1973, we may have slipped in, but we did so by design. And when we got in, we flourished by being pragmatic. Ministers and officials set about building alliances to safeguard and advance our interests and plug gaps in our limited resources. The first Irish officials in the institutions got to work diligently and astutely, garnering a reputation for effectiveness that endures to this day. When it came to big moments such as hosting our first presidency in 1975, we rose to the occasion and won plaudits. At home, politicians often communicated the benefits of membership by highlighting funding or “grants”.

Ultimately, membership has fulfilled the early aims of economic progress and decoupling ourselves politically and economically from Britain. There have been other benefits, unforeseen at the time, which have transformed our country. The rights of women and minorities and the educational, work and travel opportunities we have today were unimaginable 50 years ago.

The benefits of membership are becoming harder to measure in purely transactional or economic terms. Today our responsibilities matter as much as the benefits

Of course, it has not all been plain sailing with referendum defeats, financial crises and Brexit. Our approach to those issues, however, was rational and pragmatic. We can trace the roots of this approach back to the very beginning of our European journey.

The question is, as we embark on the next 50 years in the EU, will that approach endure? The benefits of membership are becoming harder to measure in purely transactional or economic terms. Today our responsibilities matter as much as the benefits we accrue. Fifty years on, and with the UK having left, perhaps the greatest measure of the success of our EU membership is that it has become a routine fact of life, along with the privileges and opportunities it bestows.

Today, Ireland stands in its own right as a politically and economically sovereign member of the European Union. Our national interests are tied to membership and our values are shared with the other 26 member states. The challenge in the years ahead will be to actively contribute to the ongoing evolution of the EU – to reform and defend it – and maintain the high levels of public support.

Fifty years on, just because our EU membership has become a fact of life does not mean we can take it for granted.

Noelle O’Connell is the chief executive of European Movement Ireland