WHEN the party known as Democratic Left (Former Communists) was elected to government as part of the new Olive Tree coalition in Italy, a senior member of Democratic Left in Ireland quipped that his party, too, should attach the label "Former Communists" to itself as a possible vote getting ploy.
It would not work, of course. Unlike their Italian counterparts, the people who founded DL never openly proclaimed themselves communists that would not be very clever in a conservative Catholic country.
True, some of them looked, acted and sounded like traditional communists, but there were others who were at most, Left Social Democrats.
Suddenly, in 1994, Fianna Fail hot itself in both feet and then sat on a land mine. DL won the political equivalent of the Lotto, probably the only party in the world with twice as many ministers as backbenchers.
DL is a small party with a voluminous history. It emerged from the uneasy political marriage between republicanism and marxism.
It was inevitable that the military minded republicans should be drawn to the less tolerant versions of marxist ideology.
The "Stickies" took Lenin's theory of democratic centralism and made it their own, giving rise to the celebrated exchange when one senior party member explained to a slightly less senior colleague that democratic centralism meant "You do what I flippin' tell you to do" (except the word wasn't "flippin").
Then the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. The alternative societies of Eastern Europe were no more, their citizens rushing headlong into the arms of capitalism.
This, combined with regular media reports that the Official IRA was alive and well, made the DL breakaway inevitable.
The new party took time to find its feet. It had a major identity problem which was not helped by its initial choice of New Agenda as the party label before opting for Democratic Left.
The general election of 1992 slimmed its numbers in the Dail down to four. But there was comfort on the way from by election wins in Cork, and Dublin.
The militant left is never easy with the compromises of office. Life is much simpler protesting outside the conference chamber and recruitment to left wing parties generally falls when they go into government.
The shock of getting into office had still not worn off when DL assembled for its conference in Liberty Hall last year. This year, both friends and enemies agree, the party is much more comfortable with being in government.
Fianna Fail has been relentless in its criticism both of DL itself and of its allegedly pernicious influence on the Government in general. Its TDs sneered at the "derisory" increase in overall social welfare benefits secured by De Rossa in last year's budget, while warning of the fiscal implications when the DL leader secured the equality welfare arrears for married women.
Above all, the main opposition party has decried De Rossa's influence over Northern Ireland policy.
A recent attack on the DL leader by Bertie Ahern led to a short, sharp exchange of letters between the two men in which the Fianna Fail leader made it clear that a minority party would not be allowed to exercise the same degree of influence in a coalition with Fianna Fail.
THE Labour view depends on to whom you talk a TD sharing a constituency with a DL representative is likely to be more critical than one who is not. The next election is likely to see a drastic reduction in the number of seats for parties of the left.
Fianna Fail will be watching with some glee as De Rossa battles it out with Labour's Roisin Shortall in Dublin North West Pat Rabbitte competes with Eamon Walsh and Mervyn Taylor in Dublin South West Joe Sherlock seeks to regain his Cork East seat from Labour's John Mulvihill Eamon Gilmore vies with Niamh Bhreathnach in Dun Laoghaire and Eric Byrne strives to hold his seat in Dublin South Central, where Labour's Pat Upton topped the poll last time.
These contests will do nothing to advance the prospect of a merger between Labour and DL. Despite their ideological similarities, most observers agree this is the least destination for DL members with itchy feet.
One of DL's deputies has said privately that he would "feel more at home even in Fianna Fail" because Labour was a "one party state".
DL's participation in government has, for good or ill, solved the party's identity problem.
There have been enough attacks from Fianna Fail in particular to make the public aware that there is a party which combines a sharp edge of social concern with liberal moral views and is, from a traditional republican point of view, "unsound" on the national question.
The identity of DL is very much tied up with the personality of its leader. Some observers believe he is the linchpin of the party and that, without him, its members in the Dail could be lured away by the bigger battalions, particularly Fine Gael.
This might be seen as unfair to the other TDs. But it is a fact that De Rossa has the highest profile, he is the party's cutting edge in the media, and it is he who incurs the most praise as well as the most odium.
Next in prominence comes Pat Rabbitte, regarded as an outstanding parliamentarian until his tones necessarily became muted after he acquired a non voting place at the Cabinet table (a Leinster House wag said he had acquired not gravitas but Rabbittas).
Rabbitte arouses particular antagonism among Fianna Fail members, who are hoping he will suffer collateral damage from the Packard closure. Fianna Fail sources claim Rabbitte has eschewed all his former radicalism for the trappings of office and that it must be "a terrible trial to him" to bite his lip where he previously let fly.
PD sources don't see Rabbitte suffering unduly under the strains of office.
"He looks like he's been a minister all his life," said senior PD figures. "All of them are taking to government like ducks to water."
The most surprising feature of the government, to some, is the apparently excellent relationship between Fine Gael and DL. This exists all along the line, not just between John Bruton and Proinsias De Rossa.
DL was quick to rise to Michael Lowry's defence last year, when Labour was still sitting on its hands. "You have to earn your brownie points some way," was how DL sources put it.
Labour sources insist that relations with DL are good, apart from the inevitable day to day tensions that go with coalition. But opposition sources believe the old suspicion between Dick Spring and De Rossa has not died away.
One DL activist confided that Labour's "cult of touchiness" can be a problem.
Asked about the party's achievements in government, DL claims it has put long term unemployment at the top of the agenda. They have failed, so far, to achieve their aim of having certain "black spots" designated for special tax treatment (these areas tended to be in constituencies where the party holds a Dail seat) but they have not given up that ambition.
Northern Ireland policy is seen as a key area of DL influence by the party's critics. They say De Rossa has helped to reinforce Bruton's tendency to reach out to unresponsive unionists instead of consolidating the forces of nationalism.
DL sources claim De Rossa's republican background has given him an insight into the mind set of the Provos as they grope their way towards politics. They say he has played a "balancing" role in government discussions, taking the long view of events rather than reacting to the latest headlines.
But DL sources are worried that the party may not win a seat in the this month's northern elections.
A party official said membership was "around 1,050" but other close observers insist it is 300 at most. "People don't join political parties any more, a DL activist pointed out. Enough of the old Leninist spirit survives to ensure that DL members have to renew their shoe leather on a regular basis.
Government patronage in the form of appointments to State boards etc is distributed on an approximately 3:2:1 basis between the three coalition parties, but DL has reportedly had difficulty meeting its quota. "They haven't got the bodies," said one observer.
The party's failure to run a candidate in the Dublin West by election struck an ominous note. In opposition, DL was the engine of the anti water charges campaign. Now it is in government and Joe Higgins of Militant Labour carries the standard.
There is speculation that DL could decide to repossess the water rates issue next year, leading to a government break up some months before the current Dail term expires. It would be a good way to garner the protest vote in the general election.
However, political skills of a high order would be required small parties must show themselves to be loyal and reliable coalition partners. And after the election? That's when the real fun starts.
