IN India they call it communalism in Ireland we call it sectarianism. But the social divisions - caused by deep rooted religio political identities in both countries have a lot in common, as I discovered during a recent visit to India.
So serious are the forces unleashed by conflict between Hindu and Muslim that some foresee the possible breakup of India itself. This was the fear expressed by Prof K Ni Panikkar, dean of social studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi, at a recent conference I attended.
He warned that "Hindu communal mobilisatlon is threatening the fabric of Indian society" and spoke of a possible "irretrievable disaster" if it continued to gain force.
The events of recent years give substance to his fears. In December 1992, thousands of fundamentalist Hindus arrived in the Indian town of Ayodhya and began demolishing a 500 year old mosque under which was claimed to lid the remains of an ancient Hindu temple.
In response, a wave of Muslim anger sparked riots throughout the subcontinent. Two major riots in Bombay left almost 1,000 dead and thousands homeless and without jobs. They were the first Hindu Muslim riots in the city for 100 years. Thirteen bomb blasts which rocked the city on a single day in March 1993 were seen as Muslim retaliation, as they had suffered most in the riots.
So volatile has the situation become that the introduction of a TV news programme in the Urdu language spoken by Muslims has been the cause of serious rioting. Mr Nafis Sardar, who lives in an area of segregated Hindu Muslim housing in Bombay, told participants that a sneeze by a young Muslim man leaning out a window as a Hindu man was passing beneath caused rioting in his area.
FOR A society that prides itself on its cultural and religious diversity these communal divisions have prompted serious questions about the sense of unity that has held this vast country together since independence almost 50 years ago. For this unity was based on a secular nationalism that allowed people, regardless of religion, to feel equally Indian. The upsurge of Hindu fundamentalism promotes the idea that only Hindus are truly Indian.
Similarities with the Irish experience are striking. Prof Panikkar outlined how some historians conceive the history of India as a struggle between Hindus and all those who have invaded the country going back over 1,000 years. On this reading, therefore, not only are those who came with the British seen as less than fully Indian but so are Muslims who have been in India for hundreds of years.
The partition of India and the creation of the Muslim state of Pakistan is also seen as having allowed many Hindus to view Indian Muslims as not being fully loyal citizens. Yet, speakers at the conference referred to the fact that many middle class Hindus see themselves as a "majority with a minority complex" in that they see their identity as being under threat in a world where Islam is on the ascendant.
The emergence of these tensions is leading some to recognise that Hindu Muslim divisions have deep roots in Indian history. Ms Sushobha Barve, who works closely with police and community leaders to lessen communal tensions in a huge slum area in Bombay, spoke of a conflict that goes back almost 1,000 years. "It started with Muslim invaders coming to India plundering everything that came in their path. Many historic monuments and rich temples were ransacked and desecrated. This has since become part of the mass Hindu psyche," she said.
Attempts are also being made to understand what is causing its upsurge again. By way of answer, some point to the growing problem of social exclusion as educated young people who are unable to find jobs are seen as susceptible to the message of the religious fundamentalists. This offers a sense of identity which society denies.
Mr Dhiru Bhai Sheth, of the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies in New Delhi, identified social exclusion as being a key reason for the emergence of religious fundamentalism. Though all societies have had rich and poor, in the more hierarchical societies of the past, he said, everyone was assigned a place. In our societies today we have a new problem, namely the exclusion of certain sectors which society does not need and cannot provide with a livelihood.
THESE excluded sectors quickly turn to religious fundamentalism, which offers them a ready sense of belonging and even a way of getting back at the dominant society which so ignores them, he said.
One dangerous trend he identified is the tendency to demonise sectors such as fundamentalist Muslims which often happens in Western media. This makes it easier to justify attacks on such groups, often exacerbating the problem.
By way of resolving the issue, attention was focused on the need "to create a society which can concentrate on the art of living together". Speakers mentioned various strands of this, from the need for an economy that can provide jobs for young people to the need to build a sense of inclusive identity at national level.
Some argued for an explicitly secular approach, fostering a sense of identity that transcends religious differences and, where necessary, combats the inroads of fundamentalism. Others were wary of attacking religion and argued that religion should be used as one of the resources to combat communalism.
"Some rationalists see religion as being the culprit," said Dr Asghar Ali Engineer, a well known Muslim theologian and writer who has sought to rescue Islam from its more fundamentalist interpreters and has had several attempts made on his life. "We will only aggravate the situation by being anti religious. A follower of religion may be very open and a rationalist very fanatical. We should not confuse them," he urged.