European Diary: Americans who came to the Swiss mountain resort of Davos for the World Economic Forum last week had an uncomfortable time, fending off criticism of their administration's economic and foreign policies.
Few members of President Bush's cabinet were present, but that did not stop European participants making their views plain to the US politicians from both parties who made the journey to the Alpine retreat.
A US academic who has been coming to Davos for many years described the atmosphere as deeply disturbing from an American point of view.
"Two years ago there was anger. Last year that turned to resentment. But this year there is despair. The Europeans seem to be saying: 'We're not waiting for you any more. We're going to do all these things on our own: Kyoto, Africa, Iran.' But America was supposed to be the indispensable nation."
Three European leaders - from Britain, Germany and France - had committed themselves to taking a quantum leap towards debt cancellation for Africa, to combating climate change through the Kyoto treaty and to resolving a nuclear dispute with Iran through negotiation.
Washington is dragging its feet on Africa, has refused to sign the Kyoto treaty and remains unconvinced that diplomacy alone can stop Iran from developing a nuclear weapons capability.
At a three-hour workshop on the transatlantic relationship last Saturday, nobody had any difficulty imagining a malign scenario for the next five years.
Iraq's future remains uncertain despite Sunday's election, and neither the EU nor the US will be eager to accept the blame if anything goes wrong.
Iran, the Middle East peace process and relations with China offer further scope for transatlantic disagreement, and the relationship between the EU and NATO remains potentially fractious.
Above all, the cultural differences between Europe and America could deepen as Europeans view with alarm the influence of religious conservatives on the Bush administration and grow impatient with what they view as the hijacking of the concept of freedom to justify a dubious US foreign policy.
Despite the transatlantic estrangement evident in Davos, both sides recognise that they need one another if they are to make progress on pressing issues such as Iran and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Germany, France and Britain, with the support of the EU, hope to persuade Tehran to extend a moratorium on uranium enrichment and other nuclear activities for a number of years in return for a package of measures, including a trade deal and a guaranteed supply of cheap energy, probably from Russia.
Tehran is unlikely to agree to extend the moratorium without a US commitment to a policy of non-aggression towards Iran, and a promise not to take any action to change the regime there.
For its part, Washington insists that any deal with Iran must include a system of sanctions, possibly including military action, which would be triggered if Tehran fails to keep its promises. Americans were unhappy with Mr Gerhard Schröder's declaration in Davos that military action against Iran could not be justified.
Europeans are increasingly confident that Washington is preparing to engage more energetically in promoting peace in the Middle East, and Israel's planned withdrawal from Gaza could offer an opportunity for better EU-US co-operation in the region. Brussels and Washington have already had discussions on co-ordinating action to ensure that Gaza should not become a failed state after Israel withdraws.
Optimists point out that differences over Iraq and European antipathy towards Mr Bush has not prevented EU-US co-operation in Afghanistan and, more recently, in the Ukraine.
Trade relations are generally good, and the level of transatlantic economic integration has never been greater.
Perhaps the most promising sign from Davos was that a growing element within the US administration believes that Washington's interest lies in a strong EU with a more coherent common foreign policy. Such voices argue that the elevation of Mr Javier Solana to the post of EU foreign minister, as proposed in the EU constitution, would facilitate better transatlantic co-operation.
Paradoxically, the estrangement between the EU and the US could boost popular support for the constitution, particularly in countries where opposition to the invasion of Iraq was fiercest.
