Irish Politics: Paddy Harte served as the Fine Gael TD for Donegal North East for 36 years and Pádraig Faulkner as Fianna Fáil TD for Louth for 30 years, the former first elected in 1961 and the latter in 1957.
They were, therefore, in Dáil Éireann during the most controversial and turbulent years of Irish democracy brought about by the Northern Troubles and their interest and commitment was increased by their representation of Border constituencies. From the beginning, both took a strong position against the use of violence for political ends and a substantial part of both books is devoted to their efforts to ensure that their moderate positions were reflected in the policy of their respective parties.
This was more difficult for Faulkner than for Harte not just because his party, "the Republican Party", was in power at the start of the crisis but because differences were intensified by internal power struggles. Faulkner makes it clear that his primary reason for writing the book is to redress "inaccurate and distorted accounts" resulting from "a flood of propaganda which emanated from people within the parliamentary party, and from outside it, against Jack Lynch". He is absolutely adamant that at no stage did the Lynch government approve or condone the attempt to import arms and "when sufficient information was available about it, the taoiseach, with the full support of the government and the Fianna Fáil Party, put an end to it".
His disclosure that the cabinet sub-committee on the North, of which he was a member along with Charlie Haughey, Neil Blaney and Joe Brennan, met only once, is important. Haughey and Blaney did not attend a planned second meeting. Faulkner concludes, with the benefit of hindsight, that they had decided that he and Brennan "would not be suitable partners for their future plans". He emphasises that those who sought to lend authenticity to illegal activities by alleged decisions of the sub-committee had nothing to build their case on. "If any individuals were led to believe that they were acting on behalf of, or in accordance with orders from the government, or of the sub-committee, in procuring arms for any other purpose (other than for the legitimate forces of the Irish State) then they are mistaken in that belief".
I find less convincing his account of the cabinet meeting of May 1st, 1970, when Lynch informed his colleagues that serious allegations had been made against ministers Haughey and Blaney, of attempting to import weapons illegally. Haughey was not present at this meeting, but Blaney was. Faulkner says: "We were devastated and were under no illusion that if the allegations proved to be true this would not be the end of the matter. It could only result in the taoiseach asking for their resignations." But "Nobody made any comment and we turned to an item on agriculture" (which Blaney introduced).
What does it tell us about the membership of the cabinet, the relationships between its members and between them and their taoiseach, that no one said anything about these earth-shattering allegations, which we are asked to believe they were hearing for the first time (except for Blaney)? Why no response from long-serving secure members of the cabinet whose commitment to non-violence was later to be proven, such as Erskine Childers, Frank Aiken, Paddy Hillery and George Colley? Is it too much to hope that we might yet have the benefit of Paddy Hillery's account of these events?
PADDY HARTE DID not have Faulkner's advantage of many years in government, yet still managed to make a major contribution to the betterment of his country, his constituency and his party. Above all, he deserves to be recognised and thanked for his total commitment to peace and reconciliation in Northern Ireland. It was not easy in a constituency adjoining Derry and Strabane and dominated for so long by Neil Blaney.
He had many disappointments in his political career. He achieved early elevation to the front bench but except for seven months as a minister of state the promotion which he deserved did not come and events intervened to prevent him, on one occasion almost at the last minute, from becoming ceann comhairle or leas ceann comhairle. Someone of less commitment would have given up.
Part of his problem was also his main strength. His book finishes with a tribute by Canon John Barry of the Church of Ireland entitled "The man who went solo". Some of his initiatives, particularly his meetings with Republican and Loyalist terrorists and those associated with them, were well ahead of their time. He displayed considerable physical and political courage in meeting them, but his activities were not welcomed by party leadership (including the SDLP). Disgracefully, his talents were not rewarded by promotion to a non-Northern connected portfolio. Thankfully, he found a constructive outlet for his commitment to serve through the Irish American Partnership and the Round Tower Memorial and Peace Park at Messines, Belgium to commemorate those North and South who died in the Great War.
Both authors are quite candid in their accounts of less honest and transparent aspects of Irish political life. I would not advise the books as Christmas presents for certain former party leaders.
Austin Currie is a retired politician who uniquely served in both Stormont and the Dáil and was a minister in both jurisdictions. His autobiography, All Hell Will Break Loose, was published last year by The O'Brien Press
Young Tigers and Mongrel Foxes By Paddy Harte O'Brien Press, 338pp. €24.95
As I Saw It By Pádraig Faulkner Wolfhound Press, 194pp. €14.99