Bullying Ireland into a second referendum is a high-risk strategy

ANALYSIS: EU foreign ministers meet in Luxembourg today to discuss the outcome of the Irish vote, the trouble is no one seems…

ANALYSIS:EU foreign ministers meet in Luxembourg today to discuss the outcome of the Irish vote, the trouble is no one seems to know what's the best way forward, writes Jamie Smyth.

THE EU's big three, France, Germany and Britain, have all agreed that member states should move ahead with ratification of the treaty but there is no agreement on whether the reforms in the Lisbon Treaty can be implemented without the Republic.

Some German and French politicians have suggested the 26 other EU states could move ahead with the Lisbon reforms and force Ireland to negotiate a new form of bilateral arrangement with the EU institutions.

"We would have to see with the Irish at the end of the ratification process how we could make it work and what legal arrangement we could come to," said French EU affairs minister Jean-Pierre Jouyet after the Irish No vote.

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The British decision to move ahead and ratify Lisbon contrasts sharply with former prime minister Tony Blair's decision to cancel a proposed referendum on the EU constitution when the French voted against it in 2005.

Belgian newspaper Le Soir highlighted this difference in approach and the prevailing anger felt in EU capitals towards Ireland noting: "This time the scenario is radically different . . . The idea is to completely isolate Ireland." Many German and French officials simply cannot believe that a country which has received billions of euro in aid could halt EU reform.

Germany's foreign minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier underlined this at the weekend when he said the question now was whether Ireland "for a certain time can clear the way for an integration of the remaining 26" member states.

In both countries and in other EU capitals the Irish No has been perceived as nowhere near as important as the French "Non" to the EU constitution in 2005.

There was simply never any question that France - a founder member of the Union and one of the biggest member states — was ever going to be left behind by the others.

In the realpolitik of the EU size matters and Ireland, as a small country, is dangerously exposed because it stands alone in rejecting Lisbon.

But bullying Ireland into holding a second referendum or in some way negotiating a semi-detached relationship with the Union is a high-risk strategy.

Picking on a small state can elicit sympathy among other EU states, who worry they could be the next to feel the cold wind blowing from Paris or Berlin.

Eurosceptic opinion is already an influential force in politics in the Czech Republic, which must still ratify the treaty.

Its constitutional court is already considering a challenge to the legality of the Lisbon treaty and all eyes will be on the notoriously eurosceptic Czech president Vaclav Klaus if the treaty is finally ratified by parliament this year and requires his signature.

There is also a danger that if France and Germany push too hard and force Ireland to negotiate a special relationship with the EU other countries such as the Czech Republic or even Britain under a Tory government could follow later. This could lead to an unravelling of the Union and a real crisis for Europe.

Ploughing ahead and adopting the reforms in the Lisbon Treaty in other member states while leaving the Irish on the sidelines would also do little for the EU's already tarnished public image.

Even EU federalists such as Jo Leinen, chairman of the European Parliament's constitutional affairs committee, who want the EU to proceed with Lisbon, have warned that the Irish No vote highlights an alarming disconnect between the EU and citizens.

"Communication about Europe is a disaster and EU states do not do enough to communicate Europe or provide a sense of ownership of treaties," said Mr Leinen, who compared it to having a child and then not looking after it.

So when EU foreign ministers meet today there will be plenty of questions for foreign minister Micheál Martin to answer about the Irish referendum result and the campaign. But there will also be plenty of questions about the future of the Union that other member states' ministers should also consider.

Already some EU politicians have moved away from the "26-versus-one" rhetoric seen in the immediate aftermath of the referendum on Friday and Saturday.

French finance minister Christine Lagard insisted yesterday that "implementing Lisbon was going to be difficult" in light of the Irish result.

Taoiseach Brian Cowen can also draw some comfort from British foreign secretary David Miliband's interview on BBC television yesterday when he said there could be no question of "bulldozing or bamboozling" the Irish into overturning the results of its referendum.

"The rules are absolutely clear. If all 27 countries do not pass the Lisbon Treaty then it does not pass into law," he said. "In the end it is for the Irish prime minister to decide what his next moves are."He has got to decide whether or not to apply the last rites."

All the signs are that Mr Cowen will let the dust settle for a while after the disastrous referendum result before he can decide on how to proceed.

This means he will probably go to the EU summit on Thursday with no magic bullet solution and leave several options open for the future.

He is right to say there is "no quick fix" to the current dilemma. He will hope his EU counterparts can give him some time to consider Ireland's future in Europe.