Political analysis:The Green Party has set out to show that it is living in the real world, both politically and economically. The publication of its economic policy document, Fairness and Prosperity, yesterday went a long way towards establishing its credentials on both fronts.
The document represents a solid basis for a Green appeal to the electorate to vote for a policy of bringing greater equity into the tax system. Crucially, though, it does not contain any hostages to fortune that would make it impossible to negotiate a coalition deal with either Fine Gael and Labour or Fianna Fáil.
Trevor Sargent's decision to call on the Taoiseach to tell the voters about his financial affairs and not to leave it until the Mahon tribunal after the election, was also a smart political move.
By going where neither Enda Kenny nor Pat Rabbitte are prepared to venture, for fear of provoking a backlash, Mr Sargent showed political courage.
The Greens have made issue of standards in public life one of their trademarks. It makes clear political sense to follow through with an uncompromising line in relation to the current storm about the details of Mr Ahern's finances. Mr Sargent certainly has nothing to lose on the issue.
On the wider point about the party's economic policy, the striking feature about it was prudence. The party is working on the assumption that economic growth will be 4 per cent a year over the next five years. This contrasts with all the other parties who are operating on the basis of higher growth projections, even though most of the economic forecasts are now suggesting it may drop below 4 per cent next year.
By taking the prudent line on growth, the Greens have earned the right to have their economic policies treated with respect. Their proposals tie in to the overall aim of bringing some greater equity into the tax system but there is nothing dramatic that would cause any of the other Dáil parties to jib at discussing a programme for government.
The emphasis on modest reductions in VAT and PRSI and the indexation of tax credits and bands may not be as eye-catching as the reduction of the basic rate to 18 per cent as proposed by Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and Labour, but there is a coherence to the proposals. A site value tax on development land makes eminent sense while the bank levy is a populist touch, even if it is economically dubious.
The small print of carbon levies may not be as enticing and the same applies to the plan to change the emphasis of the national development plan away from roads and in favour of public transport. The problem is not so much with spending money on improving public transport but the question of what value for money the commuter is likely to get from CIÉ.
The real point about the Green economic plan is not so much the specifics as the fact that it will put the party firmly at the centre of the post-election game rather than ruling it out of it. The party has clearly been stung by the recent spate of attacks from Michael McDowell and the PDs but it has served to focus the party on the need to clearly explain its policies to the public.
Éamon Ryan was at pains yesterday to emphasise that the Greens had always been committed to an enterprise culture that would favour small business in particular and he hit back at Michael McDowell's claims that his party was anti-business.
The Green Party faces two tests in this election. For a start it has the task of capitalising on the worldwide focus on green issues and building its strength in the Dáil. It has become a truism in the political world that the party is going to make a big breakthrough in this election but actually doing it will not be easy.
The most recent Irish Times poll showed the party slipping and, while that may have been a blip, it faces the danger of being squeezed in a Fine Gael revival.
Its second task is to get into government. The party's economic policy provides a solid basis for negotiations with other parties.