The consequences of Irish involvement in UN battles must be spelled out, writes Tom Clonan
Annetta Flanigan is the second Irish citizen and third personwith Irish links to be abducted by Islamic resistance groups in recent weeks. The circumstances of her abduction closely resemble those of Margaret Hassan's kidnapping in Iraq recently.
The two women were kidnapped in well-organised car-jackings in broad daylight in Baghdad and Kabul. According to eyewitness accounts, the manner in which Ms Flanigan was abducted - by heavily armed men in military-style dress - suggests a level of organisation associated with Taliban or al-Qaeda factions known to be in operation in Afghanistan.
The kidnapping of foreign nationals in the centre of Kabul - the headquarters of NATO's International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) - is a highly symbolic move on the part of Ms Flanigan's captors. It sends a signal to NATO, the UN and the international community that Taliban resistance within Afghanistan is far from defeated. As Afghan elections take place, Sunni resistance groups such as the Taliban and al-Qaeda will be keen to stress their ability to strike at will at western targets throughout the country. Drawing on the 1980's Lebanese model of abducting foreign nationals for international political and media attention, the current spate of kidnappings appear timed to disrupt plans for a smooth transition to democracy in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Those who abducted Ms Flanigan are likely to exploit her status as a British citizen for reasons that will resonate with Ms Hassan's captors in Iraq. Following the US-led invasion of Afghanistan in 2001, Sunni resistance groups such as al-Qaeda and Taliban factions were the target of bitterly fought operations launched by the US military in eastern Afghanistan. In 2002, the British government were requested to deploy an infantry battle group to support the US 10th Mountain Division in their attempts to locate and destroy Taliban and al-Qaeda groups in the caves and valleys of the Tora Bora mountain range.
Despite an intensive air and ground campaign, many observers believe these attempts failed and that many Taliban and al-Qaeda operatives simply fled to Pakistan to re-group for future operations within Afghanistan. This joint US and British operation to crush Sunni resistance in Afghanistan is remarkably similar to the current combined operation involving the deployment of the Black Watch to support US Marines in their impending assault on Sunni resistance in Falluja. In much the same way Ms Hassan's captors are using her status as a British citizen to undermine Britain's involvement in the war in Iraq, Ms Flanigan's captors may use her Britishness to avenge Britain's involvement in Iraq and exert further political pressure on the Bush-Blair alliance.
On that basis - as in the cases of Kenneth Bigley and Margaret Hassan - there may be a concerted effort to emphasise Ms Flanigan's Irishness. As in previous hostage cases, the Irish Government may plead for her release on the basis that she is an Irish citizen holding an Irish passport. Such developments might well lead the Irish government and the Irish people into previously uncharted waters. In the case of the Bigley and Hassan abductions, the Irish government could claim that Ireland, as a neutral country, had no political or military involvement in Iraq. According to this logic, the Irish government could plead for the release of Irish hostages on the basis of their citizenship and perceived neutral or impartial status.
Unfortunately, in Ms Flanigan's case, with Irish troops on the ground in Afghanistan - as members of the UN mandated NATO force - Ireland is both politically and militarily involved in Afghanistan. Unlike her fellow Filipino and Kosovar captives, she will find herself - Irish or British - as the only hostage whose native country is a troop contributing nation to the Afghan ISAF force.
Numbering just seven officers, Ireland's contribution to ISAF is small. However, as liaison officers between NATO forces and local Afghan security forces, Ireland's military contribution is invaluable. This being the case, if negotiations open in the coming days between the Irish government and Ms Flanigan's captors, we may find ourselves confronted with a demand to withdraw Irish troops from there. In such circumstances, naive assumptions about Ireland's perceived status as a neutral state must bear closer scrutiny. This ought to include a clear understanding of the full implications of Irish involvement in UN mandated battle groups - implications that impact not only on soldiers serving in-theatre, but for all Irish citizens, at home and abroad.