INTENSE, committed and intelligent, Proinsias De Rossa is probably the most stubborn Minister in the Government. He is also something of a paradox: a fiercely private individual working in the glare of politics.
It may have to do with his background. One of 12 children, he was born into tough, inner-city Dublin in 1940 and was recruited by the IRA at the age of 16. A formal education at Kevin Street College of Science and Technology was cut short when he was interned in the Curragh Camp.
His evolution as a politician and left-wing activist began as Sinn Fein began the slow process of developing a non-military, civil liberties strategy. And when Sinn Fein finally split over the "armed struggle" in 1970, he supported Official Sinn Fein, later to become the Workers' Party. He has remained one of the most outspoken critics of the Provisional IRA and of Sinn Fein.
The party secured its first Dail seat in 1981 but by the time Mr De Rossa became leader in 1988 it had seven TDs and was on a strong growth curve. A damaging split over control, democracy and ideology within the Workers' Party saw the emergence of Democratic Left in 1992. And, with a gale at Labour's back, the party's Dail strength was cut to four seats.
With a Fianna Fail/Labour Party government in power, Mr De Rossa established a working relationship with John Bruton. It was a fraught liaison, given the disparate political baggage and backgrounds of the two party leaders. But it worked.
Democratic Left began to claw its way back, winning two by-elections before entering Government with Fine Gael and the Labour Party in 1994. His rapport with Mr Bruton solidified, but relations with Dick Spring remained delicate. The party still had an identity problem with the electorate But with three junior ministers supporting Mr De Rossa in Cabinet, it shed its extreme socialist baggage.
ONE of his key actions on becoming Minister for Social Welfare involved the disbursement, over 18 months, of £300 million in outstanding equality payments to married women. He pumped money into a Child Benefit scheme and provided a tenfold increase in funding for work support measures involving family income/back-to-work/retention of allowances schemes.
But the adoption of an anti-poverty strategy by the Government, to be announced this week, is regarded within Democratic Left as his most significant achievement. There is also quiet satisfaction at the abolition of water charges, an issue which caused the party considerable grief in working-class areas.
Mr De Rossa didn't become party leader by being soft. He takes, and holds, hard positions. And he can be an unforgiving enemy, finding it extremely difficult to admit mistakes. A cool relationship with the media reflects his unorthodox political background.
An inconclusive libel action against the Sunday Independent and Eamon Dunphy - concerning an article based on the controversial "Moscow letter" is still hanging fire. Mr De Rossa has indicated a willingness to reopen hostilities if he fails to secure an apology and some redress. And he is stubborn enough to follow through.
On the dour side of popularity, his sheer hard work and determination to introduce, reforms must make the leader of Democratic Left one of tlie successes of this Government.