As documents on future North-South structures are tabled and various talks participants emerge to pronounce themselves pleased or outraged, one could be forgiven for thinking that negotiations on these matters were progressing at speed. But they are not.
There has effectively been no serious engagement yet between the parties on the detail of what North-South structures should be established as part of an overall settlement. Instead, as the two governments produce and refine joint documents, the participants have welcomed or condemned these papers, depending on how well they seem to suit them.
In the 1995 Framework Document, the two governments committed themselves to the creation of strong North-South institutions with executive powers as part of an overall political settlement.
Unionist anger was defused by the Propositions on Heads of Agreement document two weeks ago, when the governments appeared to have rowed back on this commitment. A North-South body would be accountable to the Oireachtas and a Northern Ireland assembly, rather than having its own powers, the paper said. "Executive powers" were not mentioned. Now we have more words from the governments, this time running executive powers up the flagpole again.
"For their part, the two governments remain firmly committed to the positions in the Joint Declaration, and to those set out in a new Framework for Agreement as being their best assessment of where agreement might be found in the negotiations", yesterday's document said.
Mr Gerry Adams and Mr Seamus Mallon expressed satisfaction and, while Mr David Trimble was not railing against the paper, his colleague and putative rival, Mr Jeffrey Donaldson, worked up considerable outrage and tore up a copy of the Framework Document for the TV cameras.
The paper acknowledges the reality that the participants must face: claims of victory and defeat made after the publication of each paper are of limited value. "The final agreement depends on what can be agreed among the participants," said the document, acknowledging that each of the parties might wish to contribute other ideas.
In the volatile atmosphere in the North, however, perceptions of ground gained or lost are important. The perception that the nationalist side has gained something back in this paper is important to the republican movement. Mr Adams, under pressure from sceptics within his community and his movement, has something to claim as a small victory.
However, while the governments declare their firm commitment to the principles of the Joint Declaration and the Framework Document, the key points in those documents relating to North-South bodies are listed as "matters for consideration".
The scope and number of these matters demonstrate how far the parties are from agreement. The participants are asked to consider what purpose North-South structures should have; what should be their composition, function and legal basis; how they should make decisions; whether there should be an all-island consultative forum bringing together representatives of civil society and the social partners, and what should be done if the bodies do not work.
In relation to the proposed new council of the isles comprising representatives of the British and Irish governments, the Northern Ireland administration and devolved institutions in Scotland and Wales, the questions listed to be considered are just as fundamental.
There are 14 such "matters for consideration" in relation to North-South structures listed by the two governments. There are 14 more listed in relation to new east-west structures. The document suggests that at today's final session of the talks at Lancaster House in London, the participants allocate time to consider each of the 14 points relating to the North-South issue.
If this happens it will be the first engagement between the parties on the detail of proposed North-South bodies. That would be progress.