If we are to judge the direct provision system on the express basis that ledto its establishment, then it has failed, writes Nuala Haughey.
Direct provision was supposed to inhibit the "pull factor" about which much was made by politicians and civil servants.
The justification for its introduction was that the UK, with which we share a common travel area, was introducing a voucher system for asylum-seekers in April 2000. The then Minister for Justice, Mr John O'Donoghue, told an inter-departmental meeting that "the welfare scheme must not act as a pull factor for non-genuine asylum-seekers".
In the late 1990s the authorities were right to be concerned at the growing numbers of asylum applications, as our embryonic reception and asylum-claims handling services were not geared to deal with the increase.
They were right, too, to be concerned that acute accommodation shortages in Dublin city in late 1999 meant asylum-seekers were being placed in inappropriate accommodation and that some had resorted to sleeping rough.
Dispersal of asylum-seekers around the State was partly the answer to this acute accommodation shortage in the capital. But direct provision went beyond this by setting up what is effectively a parallel social welfare system for asylum-seekers.
Under direct provision, applicants are housed in accommodation centres, some in isolated areas, and have no right to work or access full-time training. Those who can do so often get illegal work, and local communities have rallied to offer other supports. But the enforced boredom and powerlessness that comes with not being allowed to work or cook meals inevitably leads to stress and poor mental health.
Staff at the Reception and Integration Agency, which oversees the direct provision system, are clearly dedicated and hard working and have made efforts to cater for people's dietary preferences, health and other needs. But they are working within a system which, by design, is fundamentally not about integration, but about alienation.
Despite this, direct provision has not deterred people from coming to Ireland. It did not lead to a decline in asylum applications. From a low of 39 asylum claims in Ireland in 1992, the numbers rose steadily during the 1990s. In 1999, 7,724 people made asylum claims, rising to 10,938 in 2000, 10,325 in 2001 and 11,634 last year.
Economic migrants are attracted here by the buoyant economy and often make false asylum claims to allow themselves to remain here legally, while working illegally. Our unique citizenship laws, too, have attracted people who until recently could secure residency here if they became parents of Irish children.
Finally, people fleeing persecution as refugees do not get out their calculators and chose their destination country on the basis of its welfare standards.
Ireland is a destination country for people on the move. Making life harder for a certain group of immigrants will not turn back the tide.