Back in the mists of 2004 the Dublin Chamber of Commerce had a vision. They published it in a brochure and set it in the far-off year of 2020 in which happy Dubliners reflected on a triumphant seven years for the first directly elected “mayor of Greater Dublin”, a creature represented as a youngish Dub whose CV in no other way resembled Conor McGregor’s.
“Imagine a native Dubliner, with direct experience of the Irish and American political systems, now in her second term as mayor of Greater Dublin. Dublin’s mayor was first elected in 2013 and re-elected with an increased majority in the 2018 election. A native of Dublin’s inner city, her background included a degree in politics and economics from an American university, part-time membership of a police cadet force in US city, and an active role as a campaigner with leading politicians in major and presidential elections in the US,” it said.
Hers is a busy life in these years of magical thinking, immersed in housing density and five-year budgets for transport, not to speak of visiting international city delegations “whose main question is generally, ‘How did Dublin become such an international success?’”
Whatever befell Dublin since, it was not through the offices of a directly elected mayor. That’s because for nearly 25 years an improbable series of insurmountable obstacles have reared up against the idea of an elected leader of a city of disproportionate importance to the country.
The latest of these obstacles, weirdly, is the mixed martial arts fighter Conor McGregor.
To recap: the proposal for a directly elected mayor appeared in legislation passed in 2001, then vanished from the Act two years later. It next featured in draft legislation in 2010, driven by the Greens and John Gormley, then minister for local government. That too died.
The third attempt was in 2014 when Fine Gael minister Phil Hogan proposed a plebiscite on the idea, but, most peculiarly, made it conditional on the individual agreement of each of the four local authorities in the Dublin metropolitan area. All councillors combined voted 98-19 in favour, but Fingal council said no. So that died. By now you may be thinking that some influential people were not particularly enthused about devolved local government for Dublin.
Then along came the Dublin Citizens’ Assembly, which strongly recommended the creation of “a powerful new mayor of Dublin as a substantial political figure with wide-ranging powers to lead, deliver, represent and be accountable for our capital city” in the words of its chairman, Jim Gavin. He also noted in the report that “Ireland sits, disappointingly, at or near the bottom of the European Union local autonomy index”. Strong message there to what we like to think of as a sophisticated modern democracy. That was December 2022.
This was referred to a Joint Oireachtas Committee with an order “to consider the recommendations and to advise on the requirement for the holding of a plebiscite” on the issue.
After a quarter of a century’s noodling, a plebiscite might look like yet another delaying tactic, but it made sense. A Citizens’ Assembly member told the committee that before their sessions many citizens had no idea what local government did, so the Assembly had recommended a plebiscite to promote education and public awareness.
The idea of McGregor or some far-right councillors running the rule over such a powerful political role is loathsome
After four sessions involving multiple CEOs from councils, chambers, assemblies and participation networks, the joint committee endorsed the proposal including a plebiscite. That was December 2023.
And with that, finally, the real work began? Nope.
The latest news is that such plans as existed have been scuppered altogether, due to fears that such an election could launch contentious would-be politicians such as Conor McGregor, the Sunday Times has reported.
And who honestly does not relate to that fear? The idea of McGregor or some far-right councillors running the rule over such a powerful political role is loathsome. Presumably adding to concerns is the point that this one demands no thresholds of support from elected councillors or bodies for nominees. While the Limerick model requires 60 statutory declarations of support from voters on the Electoral Register or a €1,000 deposit, the Dublin assembly requires just statutory declarations.
But that would be a strange reason to halt any election, still less a plebiscite – a referendum as opposed to an election. In itself, a plebiscite offers a priceless exercise in public education and the meaning of local democracy.
The Irish electorate has proven itself to be sane and rational. The great success of our referendum process in the last decade was in putting trust in the people to decide on difficult and divisive matters, and that trust being rewarded with robust and respectful debate and considered decisions, says Professor David Kenny who has been a consultant to other assemblies.
The people of Dublin surely deserve similar trust. Any concerns about powers and functions of the office, and checks and balances with local area representatives, could be examined to ensure that no one person becomes too powerful.
It is also notable that the assembly’s recommendations include provisions for removing elected mayors from office, either by a councillor “supermajority” or a recall petition by the Dublin local electorate.
So is something else going on? No close observer of previous local reform battles is surprised to see further obstacles being raised to a process that few politicians support. One describes a generally disparaging “grumpiness” towards the idea from senior members of Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil and from the permanent government nationally and locally. The positions once known as city managers are the nearest we get to medieval fiefdoms, another says; they don’t want an authority that is greater than them.
The true political will required to make the radical shift to devolved power was never there, they say. Transparency and accountability are still a mirage. Central government rules.
