The Government had an indifferent year on the domestic front, promising much, but avoiding tough decisions and failing to push through contentious reforms in key areas of policy.
And while the Cabinet reshuffle in September was designed to inject new vigour and focus into the work of Ministers, it is too early to judge whether it has been successful.
It could have been worse for the Government. The economic recovery in 2004 was much faster and more broadly based than had been anticipated at Budget time. The Exchequer windfall from anti-tax-evasion campaigns exceeded all expectations. And slow but steady progress was made in producing a comprehensive political settlement in Northern Ireland.
In Europe, Ireland's presidency of the EU produced significant achievements with agreement being reached on the expansion of the Union, the format of a new Treaty and the appointment of a new president to the Commission. The contributions made by the Taoiseach, Mr Ahern, and by the then minister for foreign affairs, Mr Cowen, were regarded as pivotal.
In spite of the feel-good factor generated by the economic uplift, however, the electorate took the opportunity in mid-year to punish Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats for a legacy of broken promises. Fianna Fáil had its worst local election results in 70 years. And the political shock waves forced the parties to offer themselves as a revamped and caring government, but within the context of their low-tax economic policies.
In order for the exercise to be credible, the Taoiseach had to get rid of the most outspoken neo-liberal in Cabinet, Mr Charlie McCreevy. So he sent his minister for finance to Europe. Then he accepted the resignation of Mr Joe Walsh; sacked a recalcitrant Mr Michael Smith; demoted Mr Seamus Brennan; and transferred Mr Martin Cullen. The Tánaiste and leader of the Progressive Democrats, Ms Harney, replaced Mr Micheál Martin in Health.
The removal of Mr Brennan from Transport marked a significant shift in the Taoiseach's thinking and an attempt to woo the trade union movement. Privatisation was effectively off the agenda until after the general election. And reform is likely to be at the pace set by the Irish Congress of Trade Unions. Aer Lingus, Aer Rianta, CIÉ and An Post will all be affected in different ways.
Earlier, a decision by Mr Martin to ban smoking in the workplace had been highly successful. In spite of fierce opposition by the tobacco and hospitality sectors, the Government held its nerve and public compliance with the legislation was extremely high. The State was in the happy position of giving a lead to its European partners.
The work of various tribunals ground on. Following a five-year delay, the Mahon tribunal heard evidence from property developer, Mr Tom Gilmartin, and from former minister, Mr Pádraig Flynn and some members of his family. Mr Liam Lawlor figured prominently. There were few surprises, but a great deal of amnesia.
Elsewhere, with an eye to popularity, the Government favoured heavy industry by allocating extremely generous carbon dioxide quotas. Then it abandoned plans for a generalised carbon tax that might antagonise ordinary voters. The action was taken in spite of the fact that Ireland is twice as dependent on imported oil as other EU States. But the heavy financial penalties to be paid, under the Kyoto Agreement, will not fall due until 2007.
Having discarded those Hanly reforms that would have closed accident and emergency services in local hospitals, the Taoiseach was happy to hand over responsibility in the area to the Tánaiste. And while Ms Harney immediately identified improvements in accident and emergency services as her priority, the sheer extent of the health portfolio brought its own problems.
The creation of a new type of medical card in the Budget, in order to provide basic primary care for low-income families, reflected the Government's determination not to raise tax to pay for better health services.
The approach was also reflected in a decision to allow a maximum rebate of €2,000 to old-age pensioners whose money had been illegally deducted for nursing home care. Following her re-election as President in the autumn, Mrs McAleese referred the legislation involved to the Supreme Court to have its constitutionality tested. And the parsimonious approach was criticised by the Ombudsman, Ms Emily O'Reilly. The nursing home issue may undermine a Government that was attempting to reinvent itself as a champion of the underprivileged.
It was an unexpected setback. After careful preparation, the Minister for Finance, Mr Cowen, had produced a Budget that favoured the lower paid and the least well off, within strict spending limits. More of the same was promised, if circumstances allowed.
Attempts by the Irish and British governments to broker a comprehensive settlement in Northern Ireland ended in failure. But the sides had been tantalisingly close. And agreement is now being anticipated in the aftermath of the British general election, widely expected to take place next May. Unless, that is, blame for the theft of more than £20 million in last week's Northern Bank robbery in Belfast happens to be laid at the door of the Provisional IRA.
In spite of the resilience shown by Fine Gael in the local elections and the progress achieved by Mr Enda Kenny, the main opposition parties have failed to offer themselves as a convincing and coherent alternative to the Government. The Labour Party leader, Mr Pat Rabbitte, is under internal pressure for refusing to consider Fianna Fáil as a potential partner. And the Green Party has objected to being taken for granted. The Government is vulnerable on a range of issues such as electronic voting, social housing, decentralisation and its unwillingness to take strategic, long-term decisions. However, in the warm embrace of social partnership, there is no obvious threat to its dominance.