TWO WEEKS ago I began this column by noting a statement made by Gerry Adams on February 15th, six days after the bombing of Canary Wharf and the ending of the IRA ceasefire "The absence of [all party] negotiations led to the breakdown [of the cease fire]. The commencement of negotiations therefore provides the way forward. Any new process must contain copper fastened and unambiguous public assurances that all party talks [involving Sinn Fein] will be initiated by both governments at the earliest possible
I went on to argue in that column that in spite of the apparent agreement of the two governments on February 28th to open all party talks without preconditions on June 10th, the IRA and Sinn Fein had good reason to believe that, while the talks might begin technically, there were insuperable preconditions in the way of progress, because of John Major's remarks immediately after the February 28th communique.
He had said "At the moment the discussions between the parties begin, there has got to be a discussion about the Mitchell Report in all its aspects, paragraph 30 [on the need for Sinn Fein to reassure other parties of their commitment of exclusively peaceful and democratic means] and the related aspects, dealing with adherence to the principles [of the Mitchell Report] and dealing with the question of decommissioning to the satisfaction of the parties so that begins as the first item on the agenda."
I wrote "So that although technically all party talks would begin with only one precondition (a resumption of the IRA ceasefire), the talks would not get off the starting blocks until four further preconditions were met. These are (i) a discussion of the Mitchell Report in `all its aspects' (ii) Sinn Fein reassuring other parties of their commitment to exclusively peaceful and democratic methods (iii) commitment to adherence to the six principles stated in paragraph 20 of the Mitchell Report to the satisfaction of all the parties and (iv) discussion of the Mitchell suggestion on what is known as `parallel decommissioning, again to the satisfaction of all the parties."
It was a considerable achievement on John Bruton's part to have got John Major to commit himself to a date for all party talks. It was an even greater achievement by John Bruton and Dick Spring to get Britain to remove the obstacles that John Major erected on February 28th.
In essence, the demand of Gerry Adams on February 15th has now been met, the demand for "copper fastened and unambiguous public assurances that all party talks will be initiated both governments at the earliest possible date OK, June 10th is not the "earliest possible date" but it is only 11 weeks away.
The "copper fastened" assurances that all party talks will begin on June 10th come in the consultation paper on the Ground Rules for Substantive All Party Talks" issued by the two governments last Friday.
The only precondition for participation in these talks is a resumption of the IRA ceasefire and then solely on the basis of "the unequivocal restoration of the ceasefire of August 1994".This means, presumably, that an announcement of a resumption the ceasefire in the same terms as that of August 1994 would suffice.
At the first plenary session of the talks, after the opening statements of the parties, instead of the four preconditions presaged by John Major on February 28th, there would be far simpler and less threatening requirements. These are that all parties would "make clear" their commitment to the principles of democracy and non violence as set out in the Mitchell Report and would have to "address" the issue of decommissioning.
It is not stated in the consultation paper what would happen should Sinn Fein refuse to give the commitment to the Mitchell Report principles of democracy and non violence but, one presumes, it is a precondition of continuance at the talks. The recent interview in An Phoblacht with an IRA leader stated that they would not accept this as a precondition. However, privately, republicans had indicated that this would not be a breaking point on participation by Sinn Fein in all party negotiations they have said that they would accept the Mitchell principles if that were the sole precondition but not otherwise.
HE decommissioning precondition has now been disposed of the issue will merely have to be "addressed" and failure to reach agreement on it, John Bruton has now stated clearly, will not be a obstacle to progress to negotiations in what is called "the three interlocking strands". There is nothing here about dealing with decommissioning to "the satisfaction of all the parties" mere addressing will suffice.
The reassertion of the requirement that "the parties have reassurance that a meaningful and inclusive process of negotiations is genuinely being offered to address the legitimate concerns of their traditions and the need for new political arrangements with which all can identify" should also be reassuring to republicans. And even of greater assurance is the proposal that an independent chairperson would chair the negotiations in what is known as Strand Two, the negotiations on relations between the two parts of Ireland.
It is obvious from the consultation paper that the negotiations envisaged are of a seriousness and scale never contemplated since the Treaty negotiations of 1921. The obstacles to involvement by Sinn Fein in these negotiations have been removed. In addition, President Clinton has weighed in as a guarantor of the negotiations.
At the Sinn Fein Ardfheis this weekend, John Bruton is likely to be castigated for the "mistakes" he made in the handling of the peace process and the British for the prevarications and bad faith they showed during the 17 month ceasefire. But John Bruton and Dick Spring have now delivered precisely the conditions that Gerry Adams demanded. The British and Irish governments have given the "copper fastened and unambiguous assurances" on all party talks the only precondition being acceptance of the six Mitchell principles on commitment to exclusively peaceful and democratic means.
There is nothing else that the two governments or indeed the rest of the Irish people can reasonably offer Sinn Fein now or in the foreseeable future. There is now a chance to reach that "inclusive and comprehensive settlement" that republicans have talked about not in the precise shape they would wish, perhaps. The very essence of a negotiated settlement is that no party gets everything it would wish and, in any event, Sinn Fein and the IRA are committed to reaching a settlement that will win the "agreement and allegiance of all sections of the Irish people".
The republican movement will need some further weeks to debate these issues and its own future and so be it. We can all wait a few more weeks for a final peace, provided in the meantime there is no more killing.