THE GREATEST risk attached to recent events in Limerick is that the failure of the combined forces of the State to prevent the escalation of gang-related violence may give rise to a sense of helplessness or a belief that the problems there are so intractable they cannot be resolved.
The situation is desperate but it is not hopeless and the challenge it presents must be met. The alternative is the further escalation of violence with the loss of more lives and the ensnaring of another generation of youngsters who by virtue of their formative experiences, may exhibit even less regard for the value of life. And that escalation will not be confined to easily identifiable areas. It will take hold elsewhere and will impact on the lives of those who have no involvement in gang culture. Ten men are dead as a direct result of the feud or feuds in Limerick. But three more have been shot dead because they crossed gang members. Such violence is not containable. It must be tackled.
Almost incredibly, the problems in Limerick are traced to a dispute between the Ryan and Keane families over a schoolyard incident. Events have spiralled and escalated since; the motivation of those involved is said to combine family hatred and an overwhelming desire for vengeance, with children as young as 10 being drawn into criminality. Garda numbers in Limerick have risen to 600 and specialist teams from the emergency response unit and the Criminal Assets Bureau (Cab) are on the ground.
The Garda response is critical, particularly the prospect of Cab targeting the assets of the ring leaders. But policing will not succeed in isolation. That said, demands for draconian legislation should be approached with extreme caution. Internment has been suggested but such a drastic move would conflict with the central tenet of our justice system - the presumption of innocence - and would cause more problems than it would solve. In seeking to bring perpetrators to justice, witness protection may be an important tool in facilitating prosecutions. However, success will depend on overcoming the inherent weakness of what is often uncorroborated evidence from such sources.
Nearly two years ago, former Dublin city manager and chairman of the Limerick Regeneration Agency John Fitzgerald recommended a three-pronged approach combining intensive policing, economic and infrastructural regeneration and a co-ordinated response to social and educational disadvantage. Significant progress has been made since. But as Mr Fitzgerald conceded just last month, physical regeneration is the easy bit. Social regeneration is much more difficult.
If children are to be diverted from crime and communities empowered to reject it from within, unprecedented co-operation will be required between Government departments, State and health agencies and community and non-governmental bodies. They must unite to provide education, psychological, pre-school and early intervention, special needs, family support and health and employment services. It is a tall order but it is essential.