Ireland's position within the European Union and the wider world is changing as this State becomes more prosperous and more engaged in the international community. We have one of the most open economies and are increasingly involved in associated political and foreign issues, including policies to ensure peace, economic development and stability in Europe and throughout what remains a divided and unequal world. The Kosovo crisis has crystallised the debate over the future of the continent's security and defence architecture, leading to the decision earlier this month at the EU summit in Cologne to put in place an ambitious programme to develop its political and military capabilities.
These developments are all related and touch on core interests that Ireland shares with its European and international partners. They are in fact the stuff of contemporary foreign policy. And yet they rarely receive the sustained public attention they deserve in the Irish political agenda. The rapidly developing security and defence agenda in Europe poses particularly urgent challenges for this State over the next year, which require detailed political discussion and attention. Patchy media and academic attention to them does not suffice.
The Cologne summit decided on a series of initiatives to be implemented over the next year. They include setting up a council of defence ministers, political-security and military committees, a centre for strategic studies, a satellite centre and a close examination of how best to rationalise defence industries to ensure more effective defence structures are available when required. The commitment involved is symbolised by the appointment of the NATO secretary general, Mr Javier Solana, to be the EU's chief official with responsibility for foreign and security affairs.
These decisions are all in keeping with provisions of the Amsterdam Treaty and are intended to fulfil its commitment to "humanitarian and rescue tasks, peacekeeping tasks and tasks of combat forces in crisis management, including peacemaking". They respect the position of militarily neutral states, such as Ireland, and of those in NATO. Ireland, Sweden, Finland and Austria are entitled to participate fully in political decisions activating these capabilities and have the right to opt in to such military operations. But Ireland's consideration of such matters is inhibited by a reluctance to examine them in the light of the new security realities thrown up by the Kosovo crisis and by the persistence of stereotypes made redundant by the end of the Cold War.
This is why Mr Desmond O'Malley's call in this newspaper last Friday for more mature thinking on foreign policy, allowing Irish citizens to face up to the crunch issues involved, is timely. One does not have to share his perspective to welcome his case for the formulation of a more developed and comprehensive foreign policy, informed by greater political debate. Unless it is taken on, vital interests could be endangered and opportunities for Ireland to make a constructive contribution to European peace and stability missed. A good start was made three years ago to open up public debate with the publication of the White Paper on foreign policy. It is time to re-visit the subject.