Fianna Fail has introduced a thoughtful and lucid election manifesto on environmental issues in advance of the general election. Many of the ideas and concepts contained within it have been in the public domain for some years, but their formal adoption by the largest party in the State is a reflection of the growing importance of "the environment" in the lives of citizens, at economic, social and political levels. The very nature of pre-election programmes favours the aspiration over the deed. And policies espoused in opposition are not always implemented when pressure to support questionable industrial development, particularly in unemployment black spots, is applied in government. But such reservations should not detract from the broad statement of principles adopted by the party on a range of issues.
The party leader, Mr Bertie Ahern, has proposed a form of partnership between industry and communities in developing a new national understanding and policy on the environment. There would be a root-and-branch review of all economic activities, he said, and protecting the environment would be the imperative consideration in every economic and planning decision. The objective would be to create a competitive and sustainable economy. He envisaged a sector-by-sector partnership in the creation of a binding plan for sustainable development, where "nobody will have the right to opt out and nobody will have the right of veto." Work on the document began in 1995, following a special party seminar on environmental policy which was influenced by the sweeping successes of the Green Party in the 1994 European elections.
The party's spokesman, Mr Noel Dempsey, has been the driving force behind the most comprehensive environmental policy of any of the major political parties. Under his guidance, Fianna Fail has embraced, but not strictly defined, the concept of "sustainable development" and it has endorsed a range of environmental objectives with which few could quibble. But there is an important, if unstated, consideration in all of this. And that involves cost.
Protection of the environment does not come cheaply. The safeguarding of water quality from farm, industrial or sewage pollution is currently costing hundreds of millions of pounds a year to the Department of the Environment alone. Despite that, the great midland lakes and most of our major rivers are heavily polluted. Air quality controls are still gravely lacking and there appears to be little appetite to clamp down on city centre traffic pollution. Then there is the `built' environment and the frequent failure of planning authorities to uphold their own regulations. Use of the `inside track' and political pressure are still potent weapons in a developer's armoury. And Dublin has suffered more than most cities in the haphazard rezoning of agricultural land for industrial, commercial and housing purposes.
Fianna Fail has addressed some of these issues in a specific and imaginative way. But, in general, the document is rather long on aspiration and consensus but short on the kind of detail that antagonises or disturbs. Promising that the public sector will lead by example is all very well. But projects aimed at ending unacceptable practices and at introducing higher standards of environment/social behaviour cost money and, sometimes in the short term, jobs. EU structural funding is already going some way towards addressing local authorities' appalling sewage treatment record, but it is in danger of drying up. In such circumstances, the question has to be asked: To what extent would public funding be increased to address the admirable objectives outlined in the report? And what tough new measures would be used to deal with recalcitrant and antisocial behaviour by powerful interests ranging from farmers to industrialists?