With its colonial past, Ireland can engage on the issue of human rights abuses in Zimbabwe without being tarnished as an imperialist, writes Steve Kimble
As news of the beatings of opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai flashed around the world, it seemed that for the first time in an African context, Zim-babwe's rulers were losing the propaganda war they had successfully pursued for the past 10 years.
The events caused an immediate 25 per cent drop in the value of the Zimbabwean dollar, further fuelling inflation - currently running at 1,720 per cent and expected by the International Monetary Fund to hit 5,000 per cent by year end. What tourism there is left took another hit, with cancellations of visitors to Victoria Falls.
Yet, impervious to international criticism, the targeting and beating of people who oppose Zimbabwean president Robert Mugabe's rule continues today. Government hit squads abducted hundreds of opposition activists. Ninety-seven opposition activists, most of whom are employees at the opposition Movement for Democratic Change party headquarters, were arrested and detained in Harare central police station. According to the detainees, when arrested they were bundled together in a small room and then individually subjected to brutal torture, the police using metal objects to assault the detainees under the feet and on the buttocks.
Only the bravest challenge the Mugabe government. Some, such as Lovemore Madhuku, president of the national constitutional assembly, in their consistent and forthright challenging of the government, appear to put themselves in grave danger of reprisal. Yet no one resident in Zimbabwe escapes from what the Zimbabwean Catholic bishops have called a "racist, corrupt and lawless" regime.
An estimated three million Zimbabweans (or one-fifth of the population) have migrated to neighbouring countries in recent years, and an estimated two million Zimbabweans are living illegally in South Africa.
Because of the human rights abuses, economic mismanagement and what the Catholic bishops refer to as "those who are determined to maintain their privileges of power and wealth at any cost, even at the cost of bloodshed", there was an expectation that Mugabe's peers would also signal their dismay at the recent emergency Southern African Development Community (SADC) summit, which discussed the Zimbabwean crisis.
For the first time recently there has been outspoken public criticism from regional leaders, notably Zambian president Levy Mwanawasa.
But instead, the summit "reaffirmed . . . solidarity with the government and people of Zimbabwe". The leaders also mandated South African president Thabo Mbeki "to continue to facilitate dialogue between the opposition and the government", a continuation of the South African leader's "quiet diplomacy", which he has been engaged in since the elections of 2002.
In light of African leaders' unwillingness to speak out and Mugabe's dismissal of US, UK and European criticism, where is change to come from? Past events in Zimbabwe have shown that change is not certain. Mugabe has shown himself to be a skilful political streetfighter and his use of anti-racist and anti-colonial rhetoric has much resonance in the region and continent. Zimbabwe has had crises before and Mugabe and his Zanu-PF party continue in power.
Some local civil society activists are of the opinion that change will come as one of two stark polarities - either a new democratic Zimbabwe or a Somalia. While these are two possible outcomes, there are plenty of other outcomes in between, including a tainted compromise transition brokered by the region and with the support of the West.
This could leave in place the systemic features of the repressive and kleptocratic regime, impunity for Mugabe and little democratic change. Many in Zimbabwe would probably accept that as better than the unsustainable conditions under which they currently live, especially if accompanied by a substantial rescue package.
In all of this international diplomacy and regional uncertainty, Ireland has a potentially important brokering role. As a country that separated from Britain and as a European country with colonial history, Ireland can engage on the issue of human rights abuses in Zimbabwe without being tarnished as an oppressor or imperialist.
Ireland has established important political links with some of Zimbabwe's neighbours. Six of Irish Aid's nine programme countries are part of the SADC. Our established presence in these countries and our engagement at the level of development allow us to engage diplo- matically on Zimbabwe too.
The Government's White Paper on Irish Aid commits us to a new unit for conflict analysis and resolution (building on the experience of our own peace process), under which the Department of Foreign Affairs's close involvement with and knowledge of significant regions in sub-Saharan Africa is highlighted. It is vital that our Government works with the South African government, which is charged with brokering a solution to Zimbabwe, to ensure a real democratic space is opened for free and fair electoral conditions.
Zimbabwe's Catholic bishops finally managed to end their silence and spoke out against "acts and words which are hateful, disrespectful, racist, corrupt, lawless, unjust, greedy, dishonest and violent".
Now it is incumbent on the Irish bishops to support, not just their Catholic counterparts in Zimbabwe, but other religious organisations and church organisations in South Africa.
We can redouble our diplomatic efforts and work preventatively to ensure Zimbabwe does not spiral further into hunger, violence and premature death. The people of Zimbabwe will continue to suffer silently and African leaders will maintain their silence until governments like our own make their voices heard.
• Steve Kimbleis an advocacy co-ordinator with Progressio, an Irish and UK non-governmental organisation operating in Zimbabwe