Ardfheiseanna or party conferences according to party constitutions are the ultimate source of authority, a claim not always taken seriously by political observers.
Yet, party leaders, including taoisigh, put more preparation into their ardfheis speech than practically any other speech they make during the year. A successful conference not only boosts party morale; it also raises its standing with the public, at least temporarily.
The Fianna Fáil ardfheis elects senior party officers and members of the national executive, a body that ratifies candidates and has the power to expel members. Sometimes, reaction at the ardfheis sends proposals for organisational change back to the drawing-board.
For example, work on revising and modernising the aims of the party as formulated in 1926 was begun under Charles Haughey, but not approved till the leadership of Bertie Ahern some years later, after further refinement. Ministers also use an ardfheis both to announce further progress and as a sounding-board.
The Fianna Fáil ardfheis in Killarney took an important decision last week to implement recommendations of a 10-year Fianna Fáil Gender Equality Action Plan. This came on foot of an independent gender equality audit carried out by the Centre for the Advancement of Women in Politics at Queen's University, Belfast, under Yvonne Galligan.
After lively debate, and a forceful intervention by Brian Cowen, the ardfheis approved a plan, which would ensure that among every three delegates there would be at least one man and one woman, and that representation on officer boards would amount to a minimum of one third for each gender by 2012. The first committee of 20 elections to the national executive, with 10 of each gender, were held this year.
Chaired by Máire Brady of the national executive, the task force included Bridget Guinevan, a long-serving member of the Fianna Fáil women's forum, who sadly died after a short illness just as this recommendation was going through.
The need for affirmative action and mainstreaming is because an inadequate number of women, for a variety of reasons, have been coming through the system, and the gender imbalance is harmful to Fianna Fáil and to voters' perception of it.
This in no way detracts from the notable contribution that a number of women have made as Fianna Fáil ministers and ministers of state in recent years. I was asked to serve on the steering committee of the audit and the action plan, and later with Máire Hoctor TD as Oireachtas members on the implementing task force, to oversee the formulation of proposed changes to the Fianna Fáil Corú (constitution).
Another feature of the ardfheis was growing pressure, especially from Ógra Fianna Fáil, to organise in the North. Contrary to general supposition, this was not opposed by de Valera in principle. In his first Fianna Fáil ardfheis speech of November 24th, 1926, he said: "Fianna Fáil is not intended to be a 26-county organisation. It is intended to be an all-Ireland organisation."
In an interview with Grassroots, the Ógra newsletter, the Taoiseach stated that the peace process was founded on a tripartite relationship between Fianna Fáil, Sinn Féin and the SDLP (as symbolised by the handshake between Albert Reynolds, John Hume and Gerry Adams on the steps of Government Buildings on September 6th, 1994, after achievement of the first IRA ceasefire). The purpose of the relationship, he continued, was "to bring all strands of nationalist Ireland to our peaceful republican analysis and to arrive at the implementation of a historic settlement with unionism and the British people". The onus on him in leading that relationship was to remain above party politics.
Establishing Fianna Fáil in the North could destabilise it, split the nationalist vote, and weaken progress towards shared goals. When these were delivered in, for example, areas like the re-establishment of devolution, the policing and equality agendas, and, when he judged conditions appropriate, he would be prepared to put this question to the ardchomhairle and ultimately the ardfheis. Individual members are already accepted from the North.
The statement in the ardfheis speech that "Ireland is at peace" drew the loudest applause of the evening. The Taoiseach is not prepared to jeopardise successful completion of the peace process out of party political motives.
A notable announcement the previous evening was the resumption of a military parade from 2006 to mark the anniversary of the Easter Rising.
Ireland today is a much more relaxed and self-confident country than it was 40 years ago, with much to be proud of. Our Army today is primarily a peacekeeping force. The ceremonies will be conducted in an inclusive and conciliatory spirit.
"Cherishing all the children of the nation equally" was originally a reference to all Irishmen and Irishwomen, regardless of background and tradition.
Virtually all democracies hold commemorative military parades. The unionist tradition holds hundreds of parades each year in memory of the "Glorious Revolution" of 1688, so they can scarcely object to commemorating the event which marked the beginning of the Irish revolution. It cannot be emphasised enough that this Republic is the heir to 1916, not paramilitary-linked movements which till recently all refused to recognise it or participate in its institutions.
With regard to the attitude of minorities, painter Mainie Jellett's sister used to say that they were on the losing side of a revolution, yet they kept their lives and their property, and where else was there a revolution like that? WB Stanford, Trinity senator for 25 years, even wished that more members of the Protestant community had taken part in it, as they had in earlier movements for independence.
While the negative experiences of some families and local communities especially in the early years should be honestly acknowledged, everyone should be able to celebrate the independence that we now enjoy and at least respect those who paid the ultimate price for bringing it about.