DRAPIER: Ruairi Quinn has a point. If things keep on going as they are, the whole process will turn septic long before we get to that May date or, as some of the spinners are now hinting to us, early June. There is a growing sense in here that since we have to go, then better go now before we all become basket cases, prey to rumours and mood swings, with the media constantly in search of new angles.
The pace is already hectic and there will be casualties before Bertie Ahern calls the May day. Maybe, when the House comes back on Wednesday, things will settle down. At least then there will be a structure within which the battle can be fought and a bit more focus to it all. Maybe, but in the current climate expect some strange stunts, some hare-brained initiatives and some off-the-wall behaviour. It's in the air and there is not much anyone can do about it.
Drapier relishes an election no more than anyone else, but he is increasingly of the view that the sooner we have this one the better. He sees little good reason for holding on to the last minute and, with the latest opinion poll, Bertie may be thinking likewise.
In organisational terms, the parties are as ready now as they will ever be. That is not to say that all problems have been resolved, but there is nothing to suggest that extra time is the missing ingredient in sorting them out.
For example, Fianna Fáil's problems in North Kerry, Fine Gael's in South Kerry and Labour's in Laois/Offaly will not change much between now and June. If the election were called now, the manifestos, the printing plans, the campaign strategies are all in place, waiting for the buttons to be pushed.
All that will change will be the forcing of decisions which are waiting to be made, both on the handful of candidates still outstanding and on electoral strategy. These decisions will be no different now than in May. At a national level it can be said that this Government has done all the useful work it is likely to do.
The legislative programme, as announced by Séamus Brennan, is impressive, but only a fraction of it is likely to be completed by Easter. The Government may resort to guillotining much of it through, which is bad practice; more likely, much of it will never be reached.
This parliament has come to the end of its useful life, though Drapier is probably a lone voice in saying this. The simple fact is that everybody will be trying too hard from now on, judgments will be unsound, all calm will be gone, and in such circumstances mistakes - and big ones at that - will be made. But at least there will be no shortage of excitement.
Talking about excitement, what about all the thrills the PDs have been giving us of late? Tom Parlon was a genuine capture. His announcement deflected some of the adverse fall-out from Fergus O'Hagan's off-licence opening, though that issue is likely to have another outing this week when the Opposition get a chance to ask some direct questions.
Certainly, eyebrows were raised this week with a businessman's offer, apparently accepted, of payment for the cost of the trip. Drapier, like others, was of the view that payment to politicians from businessmen was not particularly in fashion at the moment.
Tom Parlon is a significant figure. No matter that Fianna Fáil had no room and Fine Gael was divided, he does have much to offer. His advocacy of State supports may not sit easily with Mary Harney's free-market philosophy, but what does a little difference like that matter between friends? And if he is promised at least a junior ministry, will there be any PD backbenchers at all? Drapier is not given to making election predictions about his colleagues, but he does know that in Laois/Offaly traditional loyalties run deep. The two big parties are well organised and they are counties which have five of the hardest-working TDs in the present Dáil.
Parlon will bring his own organisation with him, which he will need, because he will inherit little. He is personable and will campaign hard. His presence will generate media interest and turn what looked like a predictable three/two divide into a real contest.
He will find, though, as did T.J. Maher and Richard Deasy, that real votes are hard won, that not all prophets are listened to in their own land, and that Tom Enright will fight the fight for his daughter to retain the family seat.
The impact of Michael McDowell's decision to stand in Dublin South-East is even more difficult to call. In electoral terms, he faces a difficult task. Ruairí Quinn will not be in any danger. He has a good organisation, works hard and will have high media coverage.
Frances Fitzgerald is likely to be the only high-profile woman candidate and has the cushion of a traditional Fine Gael vote, while Eoin Ryan has made the Fianna Fáil seat very much his own. All of this leaves the last seat. Gunfight at the OK Corral between Michael McDowell and John Gormley, or at least that's what it looks like.
John Gormley has used the last four years well. He was elected as a concept but has established himself as an effective constituency TD. Michael, on the other hand, has had little local presence, but whether that matters is another day's work. In Dublin 4 they often do things differently.
More interesting will be McDowell's new dual role. In spite of what he has said, it will be breaking new ground to see an attorney general at the cutting edge of political and partisan controversy. All that previous attorneys did, from Hugh Kennedy on, was in effect to confine themselves to legal issues and stand aloof from political controversy, even if some did contest elections.
Certainly none was the effective co-leader of a political party in the middle of a heated election campaign. That is not to say that McDowell is doing anything wrong. The Attorney General is legal adviser to the Government, but he is also a political animal.
The question is the extent to which he is political and, in particular, the extent to which there may be a conflict of interest between the legal advice he gives and the political interests of his own party. In the current fevered climate, it will not be easy; and, Michael being Michael, he may not try too hard to make it so.
There is also the relationship between him and Mary Harney. It has not been an easy one and the last election was not a happy time for him, especially since he blamed her directly for the party's dismal showing. What will the relationship be this time? Radical or redundant? One thing is certain, it will not be dull.
Dick Walsh is on leave