Sir, – Restrictions to abortion do not reduce the rate of abortions. In other words, the Eighth Amendment has not saved any lives.
The recent Abortion Worldwide 2017 (guttmacher.org) study shows that abortion occurs as frequently in the two most restrictive regimes as the two least restrictive regimes.
If a woman is in need of an abortion, she will find a way, whether that is travelling abroad or obtaining abortion pills without any medical supervision. By repealing the Eighth Amendment, we can ensure that women who need abortions will be able to access them without risks to their health and undue financial burdens.
Let’s stop pretending that abortion does not exist in Ireland. We can continue to let the women of Ireland be put at risk or we can introduce a compassionate and safe environment for women to access the health services they need. Repeal the Eighth. – Yours, etc,
JENNIFER FITZSIMONS,
Brussels.
Sir, – Fintan O'Toole argues that the introduction of the Eighth Amendment ironically may have pushed forward a sea change in attitudes toward abortion by "creating a public discourse about abortion where there had been, in effect, none" (Opinion & Analysis, April 10th).
It would be more accurate to say that the Eighth Amendment is the only reason our politicians have been unable to introduce abortion on demand. The Eighth Amendment has thankfully tied the hands of our politicians, forcing them to put their abortion on demand up to three months proposal to the Irish electorate.
Let us hope the Irish electorate has the good sense to say no to this nefarious plan to strip all remaining legal protection from the unborn. – Yours, etc,
DAVID THUNDER,
Dublin 5.
Sir, – Reading a letter on April 10th made me research Irish electoral law with respect to voting eligibility. According to the Department of Foreign Affairs website, "If you are an Irish citizen living abroad, you cannot be entered on the Register of Electors and cannot vote in an election or referendum in Ireland."
Overseas citizens are not legally eligible to vote except for a few specific circumstances, mostly relating to being posted overseas by the State.
Overseas organisations such as London-Irish Abortion Rights Campaign and the Berlin-Ireland Pro-Choice Solidarity group might do well to bear this in mind and let the citizens of Ireland living here decide their own affairs. – Yours, etc,
RICHARD E JOYCE,
Monkstown,
Co Dublin.
Sir, – The Together for Yes slogan, "Sometimes a private matter needs public support", wonderfully captures the spirit of the pro-choice side's position ("Together for Yes campaign says it is on course to raise ¤500,000", News, April 9th).
Ailbhe Smyth, its co-director, says abortion is a “private and personal” matter. It is appropriate, therefore, that the message featured on the placards of the main organisation campaigning for repeal “is not about sloganeering”. Rather, it is aimed at helping people in the crucial “middle ground” reflect on how they will vote on May 25th.
As Ms Smyth explains, the message “is a request to people to listen to the stories that women . . . have told generously and courageously”.
The quiet dignity and subtlety of the Together for Yes message is in sharp contrast to the hectoring, moralising tone and factually dubious claims of many anti-abortion placards.
I was already confident of a victory for repeal in the upcoming referendum. With this inspired choice from Together for Yes of a thoughtful statement that is, indeed, quite beautiful in its simplicity, I am feeling more optimistic than ever. – Yours, etc,
J McCARTHY,
Dublin 7.
A chara, – Eamon McGuinness ("Medical myths about Eighth Amendment must be challenged", Opinion & Analysis, April 6th) writes that the Government is proposing to "legalise terminations through to the sixth month of gestation, on the same basis as in Britain, in cases of a risk to the physical or mental health of the woman". He goes on to state that "in Britain, 98 per cent of all terminations are performed on these grounds".
To an uninformed reader, it might suggest that the Government’s proposal would result in the vast majority of abortions in Ireland taking place on health grounds, and at a later stage in pregnancy than many people are comfortable with.
First, it should be made clear that while abortion on health grounds is possible up to six months (or 24 weeks) gestation in the UK, statistics provided by the UK Department of Health show that 92 per cent of abortions in England and Wales were performed at under 13 weeks gestation in 2016. There is no reason to believe that this figure would be different if abortion were legalised in Ireland.
Second, McGuinness’s suggestion that mental health grounds are provided disingenuously in the UK as a reason for termination (“a pro-forma statement used to justify any abortion sought by and performed on a woman”) might be correct. However, giving women no other option but to cite mental health grounds as a reason for seeking an abortion is not part of the Irish Government’s proposal; Irish women would not be required to give a justification for termination up to 12 weeks gestation. Because of this, there is no reason to believe that “health grounds”, mental or otherwise, would be misused in Ireland. Rather, it is reasonable to trust that abortion after 12 weeks gestation will only take place in exceptional circumstances on the grounds of serious harm to the health or life of the woman, as contained in the Government’s proposal. Any comparison between the Government’s proposal and the abortion laws and realities of other countries should give the full picture.– Is mise,
ROSE NÍ CHLÉIRIGH,
Brussels.