Ministers shuffled, a more vigorous Supreme Court, a Cabinet tour of the west and south, a new sports stadium in Dublin . . .
Someone must have told Bertie Ahern that the thing to do as the Dail resumed was to look busy.
Do what you do best, they said: smile, pose, shake a lot of hands. But, for Jasus's sake, say nothing. Don't mention politics and don't answer questions.
Then, Moriarty struck. And Denis Foley, whose return to the limelight had been anticipated by Cliff Taylor in The Irish Times, lumbered into view with an admission that he was one of Des Traynor's clients.
He'd been told by Mr Traynor that if ever he had a few bob to invest, the accountant, who managed Charles Haughey's financial affairs, was the man to help him. (Mr Foley's first few bob in 1979 amounted to £50,000; all told, he deposited well over £120,000.)
But Mr Foley said he was shocked to discover that what he had was an Ansbacher account: a breathtaking admission from the vice-chairman of the Dail's Public Accounts Committee (PAC) which has just completed a famous investigation into DIRT. After all, Ansbacher has been officially recognised - even in the committee's report - as shorthand for a scheme under which the funds of the rich might be hidden from the tax authorities.
How could he not know?
However, in the interval between the disclosure in Dublin Castle and Mr Foley's announcement that he was about to resign from the PAC, the case became a lot more complicated and much more damaging to the Government.
His leader and Taoiseach, Mr Ahern, had learned late last year that Mr Foley's affairs were being examined by the Moriarty tribunal. He'd spoken to Mr Foley, who confirmed that this was so.
But Mr Ahern hadn't inquired if the funds under investigation were in an Ansbacher account, though he may have asked, in his best confessional style: "Have you anything to tell me?" (It was what he'd said to Ray Burke).
Could it be the question didn't occur to Mr Ahern?
Or was he doing what he'd done in similar circumstances on yet another occasion (when he was told that Tom Gilmartin had given money to Padraig Flynn): "Don't tell me. Tell the tribunal"?
One way or the other, Denis Foley, who'd been chosen for the post by Mr Ahern in the first place, remained vice-chairman of the PAC for weeks after he'd admitted - and Mr Ahern knew - that he was under investigation by the Moriarty tribunal.
Mr Foley didn't see fit to resign.
Mr Ahern, at best, didn't ask the obvious question and, because of this, didn't demand or suggest his resignation. At worst, he allowed things to drift until action was unavoidable.
Once more, his supporters are asking for what amounts to a fool's pardon - acceptance all round that it was all a mistake, mostly the fault of others, for which he can't really be held responsible.
It won't wash with Fine Gael. Or with Labour, the Green Party, Joe Higgins's Socialists and those outside the Dail, such as the Workers' Party and the Socialist Workers' Party.
Under the heading "Ahern Ducks Another One", Ruairi Quinn recalled that Mr Ahern had said he would tolerate only the highest standards in Fianna Fail.
But neither the code of conduct for the party nor the ethics legislation he'd promised had seen the light of day. There was a "pronounced difference between the Taoiseach's talk about standards and his behaviour when confronted with problems".
The only politician who thought there was an acceptable explanation for Mr Ahern's behaviour was Mary Harney - and she was weary, confused and far from convincing on radio yesterday.
So the Government's attempt to look busy sank without trace, which was a pity because more attention should have been paid to the feeble effort to make it all sound exciting.
Far from being inspired by a desire for improvement or a vision of Ireland in the new century, the Cabinet changes were forced on Mr Ahern by David Andrews's decision to resign now.
I've read and heard suggestions that Brian Cowen's move to Foreign Affairs was intended as a reward for a successful term in Health. Those who work in, or depend on, the health services, may feel the reward is theirs.
As for the North and the EU, we can only hope that Mr Cowen will apply his intelligence, not his tact, to their affairs.
Micheal Martin listens more carefully than most of his colleagues and should listen first to those who say, as the Waterford consultant Garrett FitzGerald did a fortnight ago, that there's one health service for the poor of this State and one for the rich.
Overcrowding in the depths of winter was a national, not local, problem; and annual, not extraordinary. He criticised what he called "a Mickey Mouse service for the less well-off guys and the old people".
Frank Fahey said after his appointment that Mr Ahern's only advice to him had been to work hard. He'd been told he was Minister for Connacht, a title he seems to enjoy - for the time being at least. (Could we have Mr McCreevy redefined as Minister for Kildare?)
Moving to the Department of the Marine, Mr Fahey was reminded he'd be following in the footsteps of Michael Woods - and never did a minister leave such a light footprint.
The Education Research Centre's report for the Department of Education suggested the major problem for Mr Woods in his new office: one in 10 of those attending primary schools, it said, left with literacy problems.