It is the calibre of the TDs that is the most striking feature of a prolonged review of their performance I have just completed for a radio programme. They are more articulate, more committed, more reflective than the conventional wisdom on our TDs allows.
Of the 147 outgoing TDs seeking re-election, I would reckon only 20 don't deserve to be returned on the basis of their Dβil performance (12 Fianna Fβil, six Fine Gael, one Labour and one Independent) - and one of these (the Independent) only because there are doubts about his eligibility.
TDs only barely in the public's consciousness (outside their own constituencies) were impressive and, clearly, made an impression both on their peers and on journalists covering the Dβil. TDs such as Brendan Smith in Cavan-Monaghan, Tony Killeen in Clare (about whom several people spoke very highly); three TDs in Cork East, Michael Ahern, Paul Bradford and David Stanton; Billy Kelleher in Cork North-Central, Michael Creed and Michael Moynihan in Cork North West; Batt O'Keeffe and Simon Coveney in Cork South Central; Pat Carey in Dublin North West; Seβn Ardagh in Dublin South Central; Dan Neville and Michael Finucane in Limerick West; Denis Naughton in Longford-Roscommon; Seamus Kirk in Louth; and John Perry of Sligo-Leitrim.
These are aside from the obviously outstanding TDs, such as Pat Rabbitte, Alan Dukes, Eamon Gilmore, Willie Penrose (who has carved out a secure Labour seat for himself in Westmeath and is greatly admired by his colleagues in all parties); Jim Higgins the most impressive male TD in danger of losing his seat; Jan O'Sullivan, the most impressive female TD in danger of losing her seat; several ministers such as Brian Cowen (the most admired senior minister); Micheβl Martin, Charlie McCreevy, Noel Dempsey, Joe Walsh, Mary O'Rourke, Mary Hanafin, Mary Coughlan (the most admired junior minister), Liz O'Donnell, SΘamus Brennan, Eamon ╙ Cuiv; several prominent Fine Gael TDs such as John and Richard Bruton, Enda Kenny, Frances Fitzgerald and Gay Mitchell (his brother, Jim Mitchell, probably would have been the most admired TD a year and a half ago but he is perceived to have contributed so handsomely to Fine Gael's dismal performance since then); also many Labour front-benchers including Michael D. Higgins (of course), Brendan Howlin, Tommy Broughan; and the two Green TDs, Trevor Sergeant and John Gormley.
There are a few I would like to single out. Jim Higgins, the Socialist Party TD for Dublin West. In terms of the substance of his contributions, his commitment and work rate there may not be a more impressive TD in the Dβil. Mary Upton, who came into the Dβil in 1999 in a by-election, has also made a major impact in a short time, largely on the foot and mouth issue. P.J. Sheehan, now aged 69 and one of the most colourful and liked TDs in the Dβil; and two others: Seβn Haughey and Beverley Cooper-Flynn. Seβn Haughey may not be in the same league of competence and confidence as his father, but there is an openness, innocence and reticence about him which certainly he did not get from his Da and an intelligence which he may have got from both his parents.
Beverley Cooper-Flynn inherited all her Da's considerable brass neck. If anything, she is even steelier than he is. Were it not for the troublesome difficulties she had had in the courts and perhaps the troublesome difficulties her Da has to face at the Flood Tribunal any year now, she could be spoken of as a future Taoiseach. I don't think I have ever been as impressed by an interviewee.
If the TDs deserve all this gushing praise, how could it be that the Dβil is such a mess, that legislatively it is the mere cipher of the government, that it collapses as the constitutional break on the actions of the executive?
It's because of the party-political system. A system that requires TDs to support or oppose the government of the day (depending on which side they are on) and to suspend their independent judgments. All the other ills flow from that - the scandalous negligence of the Dβil in sitting barely 80 days a year, the compounded scandal of the farce of most of the Oireachtas committees (some of them mere mechanisms for the collection of expenses).
The TDs could change that if they had the will but they don't have the will, for it would mean, very probably, the defiance of the government of the day and for most TDs of all parties, that would be treachery.
A final note: we should choose our TDs not on the basis just of their competence, their Dβil performance or even their likeability. There is also the question of policy. And that question, from my perspective, fundamentally boils down to the following: will electing a particular candidate to the Dβil further or hinder the creation of a fairer and more equitable society?
They are all in favour of fairness, but are they in favour of fairness first?; in favour of fairness ahead of more economic growth; in favour of fairness when it means more taxation; in favour of fairness towards the Travelling community even if it means facing down the opposition of residence to the construction of decent halting sites; in favour of fairness towards the rest of the world, towards development aid, towards fairer trade with the developing world (which means scaling back the Common Agricultural Policy); in favour of opening our doors to the poor and oppressed of the world to come and live here. That's the question.
vbrowne@irish-times.ie