The scenes in Kiev last weekend were truly heartening. In the country's capital, over a million Ukrainians poured into the main square for the presidential inauguration of Viktor Yushchenko. The earlier scenes in the Ukrainian parliament were subdued compared to the streets of the capital where the unbridled joy of the country's "Orange" revolution was plain on every face, writes Conor Lenihan
That revolution has been the purest expression of "people power" the world has seen since the collapse of the Berlin Wall. Yet at the ceremony there were still huge lingering doubts. A number of diplomats and heads of state from the region told me that they are seriously concerned about ongoing efforts by Moscow to destabilise the new administration. The Russians are not known to cede influence or control easily.
But few of the visiting dignitaries, this writer included, could remain untouched by the scenes outside the bus as it took us from Parliament House to Independence Square for the public part of the celebrations. The contrast between the two events was stark. In the chamber of deputies many members, representatives of the pro-Russian east and south, refused even to applaud the new President, reflecting the depth of bitterness and the scale of the challenge facing Yushchenko.
The new President is keenly aware of the challenge and pointedly made Moscow his first visit in a whistle-stop tour that will take him on to Brussels and other European cities. In his inaugural address he was at pains to stress he would be a president for the entire Ukraine.
In talks with Vladimir Putin, Yushchenko has been keen to emphasise that it is "business as usual" and yet has appointed Yulia Tymoshenko, seen as something of a firebrand, as his Prime Minister. The speculation last weekend had been that he might opt for someone less obviously hostile to Russian interests. His decision may reflect a simple political necessity of ushering in change. Tymoshenko is something of a "Pasionaria" in the Orange revolution whose glamour and street-level appeal are very apparent - her arrival won the biggest cheer of the day.
Yushchenko's oratorical style is less than inspiring. No natural populist, he is fortunate to have won respect from the Ukrainian public - he is one of the few who have served with the old regime not to have been tarnished by allegations of kleptocracy, collusion with oligarchic businessmen and the Ukrainian mafia gangs. This alone is a significant achievement.
There have been suggestions of high-level sponsorship of the murder of two journalists and, most spectacularly, the poisoning of Yushchenko himself. A system of crony capitalism has operated for years, with influential friends and relatives of the old regime benefiting from the sale of state companies and assets. So perhaps his bravest inaugural speech commitment was to "destroy the system of corruption and bring the economy out of the shadow sector. Taxes will be reduced, but everyone will be paying them. Business will be separated from power." But it is easy to understand a level of scepticism among the diplomats present given the sheer scale of the problems.
For this reason, EU diplomats, while generously contributing to the "Orange" revolution, are keen to dampen Ukrainian expectations of early accession. That said, it is hard to argue with Yushchenko's sincerity - he has set out his stall in an open and honest manner and the section of his speech dealing with the desire to be part of the EU was the one that was hugely applauded.
For the Ukrainians, like the Poles, EU membership is the final road out from under the old Soviet system and a further reassurance that they have moved beyond insecurity, domination and manipulation by Moscow.
The claim that Yushchenko was poisoned has been challenged by opponents but confirmed by a Vienna-based clinic that conducted tests. At the small reception after the public celebrations, the newly inaugurated President stood in the receiving line with his Ukrainian-American wife. From a distance he looks healthy, but when my turn came to meet him, his physical appearance, particularly his face, came as a huge shock. He is deeply pock-marked and the pallor of his skin is disturbing. His friends openly wonder whether he can survive the level of dioxin poisoning he has endured.
I also had a chance to speak at some length to Colin Powell, attending his last function as US secretary of state. He seemed in good form if somewhat low-key.
The election spawned a series of accusations that the US embassy in Kiev had been stirring things up and the old communist apparatchiks did not spare Yushchenko's Ukrainian-American wife. These claims are greatly exaggerated, but of course there is no doubt that the combined US and EU influence did weigh in favour of Yushchenko.
In fact, the whole correction of the unsound election was a fantastic example of how the US and Europe can work together to broker a positive result and a non-violent transition to democracy. In the wake of the deep divisions opened up across the Atlantic divide and within Europe it may be that the approach taken in Ukraine can serve as a model for future co-operation between the two super-power blocs.
Many have viewed George Bush's inauguration speech as a signal for further unilateral military interventions against rogue states harbouring terrorists or nuclear weapons, and in some cases both.
It may be, however, that far from it being that, it is a more modest expression of intent to co-operate with traditional allies such as occurred in the Ukraine.
Peggy Noonan, the veteran journalist, accused Bush Jnr of "mission inebria". But the rhetoric may, as ever, belie reality. The US is clearly set on a more multilateral path and the Iraq intervention, particularly the large-scale military nature of it, may be the last of its kind. The US responses to the tsunami and in the Ukraine point more towards engagement with others than doing things on its own.
Conor Lenihan TD is Minister of State for Foreign Affairs with responsibility for Development Co-operation and Human Rights.