Still shocked and taken utterly unawares by the violent ending of the IRA's ceasefire, the Taoiseach and the Government have declared their continuing resolution to go forward with the peace process. Little more can be expected just yet, with the rubble of Canary Wharf still being combed by the rescue services and the security authorities on both islands striving desperately to get abreast of events.
There may be some degree of surprise at the rapidity with which the Cabinet decided that Sinn Fein was to be cut off until the IRA reintroduces its, ceasefire - and this time beyond per adventure. The information available at Cabinet presumably demonstrated that Sinn Fein had been negotiating in bad faith or had prior knowledge of the London attack, or both. Information reported by this newspaper's security correspondent this morning indeed suggests that an individual closely engaged with Sinn Fein is believed by the security forces to be the current director of operations for the IRA and, as such, would have been involved in setting up Friday's bombing.
It is impossible to fault the Government's tough stance on the classic rules of democratic governance. And yet, if the object is to persuade violent people that there is a better way forward through the political process, it hardly seems a profitable tactic to break off relations with the only group which may have some influence upon them. The Taoiseach recognises that paradox and went to some lengths yesterday to make it clear that channels of communication are not closed. But Sinn Fein will be, so to speak, at the back door rather than on the steps of Government Buildings.
The Fianna Fail leader, Mr Ahern, was constructive in his recognition on RTE radio yesterday of what the Government must do. But he makes a fair point that a final meeting might have been held with the Sinn Fein representatives to hear what they had to say and to confront them with such information as the Cabinet may have received. If we are, indeed, sliding towards the abyss described so graphically yesterday by Cardinal Daly, the exclusion of Sinn Fein could represent the final digging out of the ground from under Mr Adams's credibility with the IRA.
The landscape is bleak and ominous, more so than would have been considered possible six months ago, as the sensation of peace settled even on the doubters. The IRA and at the very least elements of Sinn Fein, who were admitted to the democratic process on an assurance that the ceasefire would hold in all circumstances, have been guilty of a terrible and gross betrayal. The Taoiseach has been muted so far in his criticisms of both the British and the unionists and it is clear that the two governments are very far from any agreed direction from here. But he is correct when he declares that errors of judgment by democratically elected politicians are of a wholly different moral order from murdering people in pursuit of political ends.
A monetary cost of some £50 million is estimated for Friday's attack in London. That will be a mere cash pittance if the course of events is not now rescued swiftly. And the cost in human suffering will be incalculable. The two governments must now set about taking the initiative back from the bombers and gunmen. Last night, in reports of contacts between Mr Bruton and Mr Major, there were the first signs that things are on the move.
There must be early meetings at the appropriate levels with the object of creating new political structures which will be accessible to those who are prepared to abandon violence as an instrument of politics. If the peace process is to continue in the aftermath of the IRA's ceasefire, only the two governments acting in concert can make that happen. Governments, as John Hume has said on more than one occasion, are there to govern. They must now get on and show that they can do so.