The revelation that the British Royal Air Force has been defending Irish airspace since the early days of the cold war has caused unease in government.
It has focused attention again on the nature of Irish neutrality at a time when defence and security policy in Europe – both by individual countries and collectively in the EU – is in flux.
On Monday, The Irish Times reported that a secret agreement has been in place with the UK government since the 1950s that allows the RAF to intercept “hostile” aircraft – in other words, Russian air force jets – in Irish airspace. Conor Gallagher’s story revealed that the interception of Russian aircraft in Irish airspace – typically Tupolev “Bear” bombers – had become more regular in recent years. It was referenced in the House of Commons last year, when the UK government said it was a matter for the Irish Government to disclose details if it wished.
The news also landed at a time when Russian warships were being monitored by the Irish Navy – to the extent that it can – in Ireland’s “exclusive economic zone”, which extends 200 miles off the west and southwest coast. Repeated Russian naval presence in recent years has given rise to worries that undersea cables that transmit internet traffic between the US and Europe and pass through Irish waters are being mapped for interference or sabotage.
The Government’s response to the story was twofold – it refused to answer any questions about the issue, citing “national security”, but simultaneously insisted that any arrangement that might exist with the RAF in no way compromised Ireland’s traditional policy of military neutrality, and was consistent with our foreign policy.
“We don’t talk about national security but any agreements government enters into are fully aligned with national sovereignty and sovereign decision-making and with military neutrality,” Tánaiste Micheál Martin said.
The secret deal for the UK to protect Irish skies
Since the 1950s, a hidden agreement between the Republic of Ireland and Britain has allowed the RAF to enter Irish airspace in the event of security threats that the Irish Air Corp, lacking advanced aircraft, is unable to deal with. It's a deal that has benefits for both sides - but raises questions about sovereignty, transparency and neutrality. Irish Times Crime and Security Correspondent Conor Gallagher explains the history and significance of the secret agreement.
The Taoiseach wasn’t confirming any arrangements with the RAF, but if there were arrangements, he said, they were “consistent with our foreign defence and security policy”.
Of course, by refusing to offer any details of the agreement with the British Government or of RAF missions in Irish airspace, it meant that the public and the opposition in the Dáil were expected to take the Government’s word for everything. National security, you know.
Even the Green Party, whose supporters are often extra-sensitive on the neutrality question, wouldn’t say if it had sought any clarification within government.
“I’m afraid I won’t be in a position to comment on that given it’s a national security matter,” a spokesman said.
[ RAF jets may have entered Irish airspace, says MartinOpens in new window ]
But the inquiry wasn’t about the national security arrangements, The Irish Times protested. It was a political query about the working of government. “Apologies but I’m going to have to stick with my initial response.”
Understandably, not everyone was content with that, especially after Gavan Reilly of Virgin Media dug up a quote from former Minister for Foreign Affairs and Defence Simon Coveney from a Dáil committee last year, when he said: “We do not have overflight arrangements with the RAF, to be clear.”
Asked at the Cabinet briefing for journalists on Tuesday whether this was an accurate statement of government policy, the (Fine Gael) government press secretary and his two colleagues from the Coalition parties declined to comment, an unusual position where the Government’s chief spokesmen were unable to say that a Minister had been telling the truth. A spokesman for Coveney had no comment either.
Resource issues and obsolete equipment mean that Ireland is more reliant on the RAF defence than ever
Independent TD Cathal Berry, a former Army officer and the Dáil’s leading authority on defence issues, wondered why it was all being treated like “the third secret of Fatima”. He pointed out the need for an air policing capability – for example in the event of a civilian airliner being hijacked – and urged the Taoiseach to be upfront about any arrangements with the RAF.
The Taoiseach replied that the Government intended to “build up” an Irish air force and radar capability, but arrangements with “our neighbours” would continue to be necessary. There are no plans for the sort of service that the RAF operates – being able to scramble supersonic fighter jets to intercept nuclear-capable bombers.
Any “building-up” of the Air Corps starts from a low base, with resource issues and obsolete equipment meaning that Ireland is more reliant on the RAF defence than ever. What has changed in the past year, however, is the defence environment in Europe. The invasion of Ukraine by Russia last year, and the conduct of the campaign by Vladimir Putin’s forces, has transformed the military and security landscape.
Finland has joined Nato, and Sweden – also famously neutral – is joining. Germany has set aside decades of precedent to supply Ukraine with military equipment. This week the European Parliament voted to fast-track legislation to allow for a million rounds of ammunition to be sent to Ukraine in the fight against the Russian invaders. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen went to Kyiv on Tuesday for Europe Day. The EU is moving to a whole new level of defence preparedness.
[ Diarmaid Ferriter: Irish neutrality isn’t as plain as we have been led to believeOpens in new window ]
Despite presenting itself as one of the most committed EU members – a stance that paid rich dividends during Brexit negotiations between the EU and the UK – Ireland’s attitude to military co-operation, and to supplying weapons to Ukraine is very much outside the European mainstream.
According to diplomats and Ministers, the issue is increasingly prominent, hovering on the edges of discussions about other matters. Irish representatives are keen to convey the extent of Ireland’s acceptance of refugees in vastly greater numbers proportionately than other, larger countries. But the defence question, especially given the presence of the internet cables, will not go away.
EU member states understand a principled neutrality such as Sweden’s or Austria’s, where an independent military and defence posture has been jealously guarded over the years. But increasingly to our neighbours and partners in the EU, Ireland’s stance looks more like freeloading than principle.
Even the most committed Irish representatives struggle to justify the “triple-lock” system, where no Irish overseas military deployments can be effected without a UN Security Council resolution – effectively granting permanent members of the Security Council, including Russia and China, a veto over this aspect of Irish foreign policy.
Irish people seem happy enough to insist we are neutral, while effectively enjoying the protection of the western military alliance and aligning ourselves politically with the West
In an attempt to change at least some of this, the Government will next month hold a series of public forums on defence and security policy. They will be addressed by experts in the field and will be open to the public, and are intended to inform any future changes in policy that the Government decides on.
But Government sources suggest a high degree of caution about all this. While in practice neutrality has basically meant whatever the Government of the day has wanted it to mean, repeated opinion polls show a high degree of public attachment to the idea of Irish neutrality. It is true that those who present themselves as defenders of Irish neutrality have proclaimed its demise on numerous occasions – joining the EEC, adopting the various EU treaties, allowing US troops to use Shannon, joining EU defence co-operation, and so on – but that does not mean there isn’t an audience for further warnings.
Irish people seem happy enough to insist we are neutral, while effectively enjoying the protection of the western military alliance and aligning ourselves politically with the West, and with the EU in particular. Until that changes politicians are unlikely to force the issue.
