UNIONIST and nationalist vetoes in Northern Ireland may be about to cancel each other out as Dick Spring and Patrick Mayhew prepare to intensify discussions in the political track of the twin track process and elsewhere.
Unionists will not get their elective process without nationalist agreement nationalists will not get their all party talks without acceptance of an elective process. Compromise is vital.
Mr Spring yesterday reiterated John Bruton's Dail comments an elective process should flow from all party talks, and not vice versa. Discussions on such a development should take place within the political track, to see if they met the Mitchell test of being broadly acceptable, having an appropriate mandate and operating within the three stranded approach.
At the same time, the Government argues that the six principles of the Mitchell report should he discussed in an intensified political track and all parties should be asked to accept and honour them. Accepting them would form the basis for entry into all party talks.
This Government position, accepted by all parties in the Dail, differs sharply from the stance outlined by John Major - in the House of Commons. He declared there were only two paths into all party talks through arms decommissioning or an elective process.
The Northern Secretary now recognises the elective process cannot work without nationalist participation. He also has a Mitchell report which says that prior decommissioning will not happen. In such circumstances, and with growing US pressure, movement from entrenched positions is inevitable.
There is still sharp disagreement and blunt talking between the sides. However, by next Wednesday, the joint chairmen of the Anglo Irish Conference hope to be able to review a programme of work and to agree the way ahead.
IT is a time for a cool appraisal of the situation by nationalists. On the basis of Dail exchanges during the week, however, this may not happen. For John Bruton is not trusted on Northern Ireland by the Opposition parties and a "twin track" is emerging as the Opposition parties support formal Government policy while finding fault with its diplomatic activities and its private contacts with the British government.
They want the best of both worlds a consensus approach when things are going well and Opposition tactics when they are not. Mr Bruton's own Dail approach does not help. His obvious pleasure in lecturing Fianna Fail on his obligation to represent both nationalists and unionists, under Articles 2 and 3 of (their) Constitution, is totally counter productive.
The cracks in the nationalist facade showed last Wednesday as Mr Bruton as challenged over his conversation with Mr Major on the eve of the British government's change in direction over the behaviour of Irish diplomats arid concerning exchanges between Government officials and other parties at the Forum.
Mr Ahern hinted that an elected body had been on Mr Bruton's agenda all along. And he quoted a private conversation between a Government spokesman and a Fianna Fail representative at the Forum in support of this contention.
MR Bruton did not deny it. It was Government policy that the ideas of unionists and of all other parties should be tested for their acceptability in the political track, he said. The November communique acknowledged that formally and Shane Kenny was simply reflecting that in his private conversation with Martin Mansergh.
The Taoiseach was "intrigued" and "disappointed" that Mr Ahern should bring second hand versions of private conversations with Dr Mansergh and others into the Dail to score a political point. And, as Ray Burke rose to claim that the Departments of the Taoiseach and the Tanaiste were divided on the issue, Mr Bruton disclosed that Mr Kenny was accompanied by a Department of Foreign Affairs official during the complained of conversations.
As Mr Bruton regretted Mr Ahern's efforts in trying to turn a private conversation to political advantage, and warned of the consequences this might have for Dr Mansergh at the Forum, the Fianna Fail leader backed off. He said the conversation he was referring to had taken place between Mr Kenny and Noel Dempsey TD. But no such conversation took place, according to Mr Kenny. And, last night, Fianna Fail decided not to push the issue.
Mary Harney tried to blame the Department of Foreign Affairs for the British shift in policy. The selective leaking of the Mitchell report, she said, had so pressurised the Prime Minister that he was "forced to give that response last week".
The Taoiseach slapped her down - the leaks had not been from Irish sources and he did not accept that "anybody would react in pique over a matter of that nature".
The hour long question and answer session produced little that was new and less that was useful. But on the basis of some of the exchanges, the British government will be pushing an open door if it practises the divide and conquer strategy Dick Spring accuses it of using.
