Albert's road to the Aras disappears

THERE is a deal of sympathy for Albert Reynolds and for his family around Leinster House; especially for his wife, Kathleen, …

THERE is a deal of sympathy for Albert Reynolds and for his family around Leinster House; especially for his wife, Kathleen, and for his bright and personable children, who provided him with unqualified and heart warming support.

But sympathy is a wasting asset in politics. And few people continue to support a loser. That is the iron law of politics. Survival and advancement are the guiding principles of the occupants of Leinster House.

Political disaster in London had a silent domino effect on this side of the Irish Sea. Within Fianna Fail, the last frail hope that Mr Reynolds might be chosen as the party's candidate in a 1997 presidential election campaign evaporated. And it will inevitably diminish the influence of his long term supporters, Maire Geoghegan Quinn, Charlie McCreevy and Noel Dempsey.

Even before the verdict was announced, the legal action by the former Taoiseach was under scrutiny. There were those within Fianna Fail who believed it was specifically designed to clear Albert's road to Aras an Uachtarain, having first established that he had not lied to the Dail during the collapse of the Fianna Fail/Labour government in 1994.

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Next January, the President, Mrs Robinson, is due to announce whether she will seek a second seven year term in 1997. If she decides to step down, a number of Fianna Fail politicians are likely to offer.

The skirmishing has been going on for the best part of a year. Mr Reynolds first showed interest when a number of careful articles appeared in the Sunday papers. Questioned publicly, the former Taoiseach said if Mrs Robinson chose to run again, that would be the end of the matter. He would not challenge her, or embarrass her by seeking a nomination before she made up her mind.

The diffidence was remarkable. And it was matched by a number of might be contenders from within Fianna Fail. Charles Haughey was smiling but not saying; Mary O'Rourke was looking coy but willing; and David Andrews was allowing his name to be discreetly mentioned.

The wise heads in Fianna Fail felt Charlie was coat trailing, just to damage Albert's chances. Antipathy to Mr Reynolds was also thought to be significant in Ms O'Rourke's attitude. But the biggest threat to Mr Reynolds's ambition, they felt, would come from Mr Andrews.

The idea of a full blooded contest did not enthuse the leadership. Bertie Ahern, the consensus man, had been trying to bind wounds and he would not relish a re run of a Haughey/Reynolds struggle in an election year. By the same token, the notion of Mr Reynolds going to London to vindicate his character and, in the process, revive memories of controversies best forgotten, was equally unsettling. The political risk was huge. Fianna Fail would have preferred if Mr Reynolds stayed at home.

Triumph, however, might have changed all. A foreign court case to lay blame for the collapse of the last government at the feet of Dick Spring would be a stroke. Elements of that reaction greeted the initial court reports, when Mr Ahern congratulated Mr Reynolds on winning his action and on vindicating his good name and integrity.

"It is right," Mr Ahern said, "that any question marks against his reputation, surrounding the events of the fall of the last government, should be removed. It was already obvious by the end of the proceedings of the Dail subcommittee that there was no substance to them."

AND the new Fianna Fail leader got his own "digs in when he said: "There were, of course, political reasons for the collapse of the government and equally for the failure to re form it. But the attempt to seek not just political but moral justification by making unfounded imputations of dishonourable behaviour against both the former Taoiseach and his colleagues has now been shown up for what it was."

In spite of the supportive words, the gamble had gone horribly wrong. After six weeks in court, the London jury found Mr Reynolds had been libelled by the Sunday Times, but denied him damages.

It took time for the implications to sink in. For the first day, the media stood off as Mr Reynolds maintained he had won and his good name and integrity had been fully vindicated. Facing legal bills of almost £1 million sterling, nobody wanted to kick a former Taoiseach who had fallen so far.

By Wednesday, the decision to deny him damages was being represented by Mr Reynolds as not only a travesty but an insult to the Irish people. The result was "unjust and immoral" and British justice was in the dock.

The harshest words were finally delivered by Mr Justice French who, in granting the former Taoiseach one penny damages, commented: "To a very limited extent, but not to an entirely negligible extent, Mr Reynolds's reputation has been vindicated."

The outcome of the court case should not obscure his important contribution to Anglo Irish affairs and a possible political settlement in Northern Ireland.

It was Mr Reynolds who sold the concept of political consent to the Fianna Fail Party. He weaned the organisation away from its traditional approach of majority, all island rule and forcefully challenged republicans to accept the right of a majority in Northern Ireland to decide on its political future. Hand in hand with consent went parity of esteem for both communities.

John Hume may have been at the heart of the planning, and Dick Spring and Patrick Mayhew may have done much of the legwork, but the Downing Street Declaration, the IRA ceasefire and the broad basis of the Framework Document were sold to John Major by Mr Reynolds.

THERE is ample evidence of his inflexible nature and his gambling tendencies in the collapse of the last two governments. But he has real political strengths. He is gritty, courageous and determined. As tough as nails. But his flaws overwhelmed him.

There is an engaging, social side to Mr Reynolds. He adopts no airs or graces - "what you see is what you get". Partly because of that, he became a target for the Dublin establishment: a "one page man", the leader of the "country and western wing of Fianna Fail".

The former Taoiseach's relationships with members of his family, and the obvious love he inspires, are heart warming. Mr Reynolds will have need of such unqualified support in the days ahead.