"The emergent world order after the Cold War is shaping up in the short run as an attractive, yet competitive, globalism for the benefit of the rich and an oppressive statism to keep the poor in check", wrote Dr Richard Falk of Princeton University recently.
Countering this threat to world security, he wrote, will depend "on reorienting the outlook of the state sufficiently to strike a new balance between the well being of peoples and the success of markets."
The recent publication of the White Paper on Irish foreign policy is very timely in this regard. It offers the first opportunity for a comprehensive statement of Ireland's traditional emphasis that social and economic well being is vital to international peace and security. But it also offers an opportunity to our diplomatic service to spell out how this principle might be put into practice: in the context of the late 1990s.
The paper shows the commitment of our foreign policy to human development to be wide ranging; in spelling out the policy implications of this principle, however, it is less satisfactory.
The paper acknowledges the need to ensure "the opportunities presented by increased globalisation are exploited in the interest of the common good, rather than to the exclusive advantage of the few", and it expresses concern about "the evergrowing gap between the world of the rich and well fed and that of the poor and hungry".
Again and again, throughout its various sections, the Government's commitment to "promote a coherent international strategy on development issues" is given clear expression.
A criticism that has long been made of Irish development policies is that the good work being done through Irish aid was sometimes undermined by the actions of other Departments. Thus, for example, defence of the Common Agricultural Policy by Agriculture or support for policies of the International Monetary Fund by Finance were seen by development specialists as being detrimental to developing countries.
The White Paper seems to acknowledge this in arguing for a greater coherence in development policy and in providing for an interDepartmental committee to help achieve it.
THE chapter on development co operation gives a commitment to "further significant increases" in Irish aid in the coming years so as to put Ireland's performance on a par with our EU partners. Mozambique is to be added this year to the present six priority countries in which Ireland has a major aid programme.
Perhaps the most significant element in this chapter, however, is a subtle shift in thinking that seems to be signalled in relation to the extensive reliance on Irish development workers in our aid programme. "It is intended to make greater efforts to maximise partner countries input into, and management of programmes, says the White Paper.
Apart from its own aid programme, the Government renews its commitment to "work vigorously" to ensure the various development agencies of the United Nations play "an increasingly active and effective role in the field of international economic and social development". To this end, Ireland pledges to become more actively involved in such agencies as the UN Development Programme (UNDP), the UN High commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF).
Returning to Dr Falk's quote about the need for the state to strike a new balance between the well being of peoples and the success of markets alerts us to some of the weaknesses of this White Paper. For while Irish policy becomes ever more coherent in its commitment to the well being of some of the poorest peoples on earth and ever more extensive and effective in putting this into practice, it remains very general and aspirational when dealing withissues relating to market forces. This is true of its brief comments on protecting the interests of developing countries in the context of reforming the EU's Common Agricultural Policy, or on ensuring access by developing countries to international markets.
Even less satisfactory is the neglect of some key issues. The closest the White Paper gets to any criticism of the World Bank and the IMF is when it remarks that there is a need to ensure that Ireland's mandatory payments to these institutions are used to further the aims of our development policy. The vague nature of the comment, however, gives little confidence that this will be pursued with any vigour.
COMMENTS in other parts of the document on the need to ensure that Western models of development are not imposed on developing countries as well as the general commitment to democratisation would seem to demand a far more critical stance by Ireland on the policies of these organisations.
A more glaring neglect concerns the activities of multinational companies. Any commitment to sustainable development for developing countries necessitates some attempt by the international community to elaborate a regulatory framework for these huge and unaccountable economic powers; based on this White Paper it is not an issue that concerns Irish foreign policy.
Related to this is the wider issue of economic liberalisation which many development experts believe is undermining weaker economies and leading to social anarchy in some cases. While few advocate a return to the old protectionist days, the need for sensitive state intervention to ensure that market forces serve a people centred development rather than simply enriching elites is now widely recognised. The White Paper does express concern at problems of social exclusion (though more in the EU than in the context of international development) but fails to appreciate the wider issues this raises for foreign policy.
In his article Dr Falk proposes a "people driven globalism" is needed to counter balance the market driven globalism which is so determinative of today's world (dis)order. This, he says, would require of states a new type of foreign policy. On the evidence of this White Paper, Irish foreign policy is moving in that direction, but has still quite a way to go.
