Never take yes for an answer is the motto of campaigners for election in the United Nations. The Irish drive for a seat on the Security Council operated on that basis: any member-state that promised a vote, either verbally or in writing, was recontacted . . . just to make sure.

Mr Paolo Fulci, an Italian diplomat and legendary UN election battler, devised a mathematical formula for weighing the value of promises from delegations which many considered foolproof. Under the so-called Fulci Formula, 10 per cent of commitments in writing, and 20 per cent of those conveyed orally, could be discounted.

Insiders say Ireland had 90 written and 60 oral commitments from the various delegations. Although there are 189 member-states in all, only 176 were in sufficiently good financial standing to vote and, in the end, 173 votes were cast.

There was a two-thirds quota and Ireland surprised many by taking a seat on the first ballot with 130 votes, as against 114 for Norway and 94 for Italy.

Thus Ireland took one of the two non-permanent seats being contested in the Western Europe and Other group. It is only the third time Ireland has had a seat on the council. "We have done better than we expected," diplomatic insiders said. It was, in fact, a remarkable win considering the strength, resources and reputation of the Norwegians and Italians.

The news arrived at Downing Street as the Taoiseach was tete-a- tete with Prime Minister Tony Blair and Minister for Foreign Affairs Mr Cowen was meeting Northern Secretary Mr Peter Mandelson. It is thought that London cast its vote for the Irish, thanks in large part to the relationship between the two prime ministers, which has thrived amid the ups and downs of the peace process.

It is believed that the US probably voted for Ireland, too, although like Britain and the other permanent members of the Security Council - China, France and Russia - they will keep their choice secret.

The result is a triumph for the Department of Foreign Affairs, in particular Ambassador Mary Whelan, who headed up the special campaign unit at Iveagh House, and Ambassador Richard Ryan, head of Ireland's UN mission in New York.

It will necessitate the allocation of extra resources to meet the demands of Security Council membership and will boost the case for extending Ireland's diplomatic network.

There will be some difficult days ahead: members of the council constantly have to take sides. Membership will be a test of Ireland's diplomatic maturity and political acumen, although we have the benefit of experience: this is the third time we have sat on the council: the first was in the early 1960s, the second in 1981/82.

Ireland has won one of the council's non-permanent seats and will begin its two-year term on January 1st, 2001. Ten of the 15 members are, like Ireland, non-permanent and do not hold a veto. Nevertheless they have an input into the day-to-day work of the council and, although their influence is nothing like that of the Big Five, it is still far from negligible.

At present, the Security Council is at the centre of efforts to resolve the Middle East crisis, for example. By the time Ireland takes its seat, that situation may have eased, but it will always be an issue.

Other particularly difficult problems to be faced include the growing doubts over sanctions against Iraq, the necessity to promote stability in the Balkans and the continuing problems of poverty and war in Africa and other troubled regions.

The presidency of the Security Council rotates on a monthly basis and it is likely that, when Ireland's turn comes, Mr Cowen will attend at least for part of that time. In his role as president, he could well be confronted with major diplomatic or security crises: the Security Council has primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security and this can even extend to the deployment of military force where other means have proved fruitless.

There were some doubts during the campaign that it was worth the expenditure - modest by today's standards - of £1.2 million. There may be further doubts as Ireland has to make hard judgment calls, possibly losing friends internationally in the process. It can be expected that Ireland's approach will by and large reflect the overall stance of the European Union on foreign policy issues.

The Security Council functions continuously and there are harrowing tales of how, during a previous incumbency, Irish diplomats were liable to be awakened in the middle of the night to deal with such emergencies as the Israeli invasion of Lebanon.

Provision has already been made for the allocation of extra resources to cope with the added workload for our UN mission but there are still long hours in store for all the personnel involved.

International diplomacy can be a cynical business but it seems on this occasion that the UN member-states have opted for a small country with relatively limited resources ahead of the more handsomely endowed Italy and Norway. It seems Africa and the Caribbean, in particular, have put their faith in the ability of the Irish to make progress towards achieving the UN's fundamental aims of preventing war, promoting human rights and justice and creating better standards of life around the globe.