Vindication is a luxury best enjoyed quietly. Eight years on and Mr John Hume says he holds no grudges. 1993 was the summer of Hume-Adams, when the SDLP leader was being attacked in word and print by politicians and certain high-profile commentators and when Mr Hume's colleagues were being physically attacked by bomb and bullet.

Northern Ireland has come on a long way since then. Relative peace was achieved haltingly and with great difficulty. There is now devolution, the Belfast Agreement, republicans signed up to the principle of consent, North-South bodies, and a lot more besides - all of which, it can be argued, had its genesis in those controversial talks between the two main nationalist leaders.

So, no bitterness about the attacks and the harsh words? "Ah no. I think that's past. At the time I was very concerned about the opposition. It was very strong opposition, but as I said I knew precisely what I was doing, and if 20,000 soldiers on our streets couldn't stop the violence, and if I could save one single human life by dialogue, it was my duty to do so.

"I think that most of the people who did then disagree with me, most of them now accept I was working to a clear-cut strategy."

Conor Cruise O'Brien would not agree. But as usual John Hume won't rise to the bait. No comment.

Much has happened to Mr Hume since then: the Nobel Prize with Mr David Trimble; numerous other international honours; his resignation from the Assembly; periods of exhaustion and illness; a concentration on his European and international role while Mr Seamus Mallon and other colleagues took over the reins in Northern Ireland. But at strategic times he was always at the centre, and another is coming after this election.

Mr Hume is still the icon figure for the SDLP faithful, but there is a sense of this being a transition period for the Derry politician and the party. Mr Hume says he has no plans to resign as leader, but neither he nor Mr Mallon nor their third MP, Mr Eddie McGrady, all in their 60s, can go on for ever.

This is an election in which the SDLP must consolidate what it has achieved, and prepare for the challenges of the future, the chief challenge coming from Sinn Fein. In fairness, the next generation of SDLP members, led by politicians such as its chairman, Mr Alex Attwood, has been reenergising the party for what lies ahead.

But for the moment the mantle of responsibility still rests on Mr Hume and Mr Mallon. In five years' time, Sinn Fein will be the largest party in Northern Ireland, says Mr Gerry Adams. Before he exits the political stage, can Mr Hume do anything to prevent that eclipse?

The writing is already on the wall, according to Sinn Fein: Ms Brid Rodgers can say what she likes about West Tyrone, Mr Pat Doherty's going to win it; the demographics are changing in nationalism's favour and first-time voters are turning to Sinn Fein - it's only a matter of time for a jaded SDLP.

The scenario provokes fighting talk from Mr Hume. "I think it's an insult to the intelligence of the electorate to suggest that the SDLP is going to lose out in this election. The people have stood shoulder to shoulder with us throughout the last 30 years, and I have no doubt that they and the younger members of their families will be standing shoulder to shoulder with us now, as we work to build a new future."

He speaks proudly about the Minister of Agriculture. "I know West Tyrone and I know the people there will vote for Brid." He knows, too, of the reputation of Sinn Fein's "mean, green" electoral machine.

"It is the people that will be voting, not the machine, and the people know that a vote for Sinn Fein in this election is a waste of a vote because they are not going to represent them in Westminster. Furthermore, look at the Nice referendum in the South - Sinn Fein is opposed to the European Union, and where would Northern Ireland be without the European Union?"

The SDLP vote will be solid in the local elections as well. The party won the highest vote in the Assembly elections, and he expects a repeat performance this time around. Having former US president Mr Bill Clinton in his company in Dublin and Derry this week will have helped the SDLP's profile.

He welcomes the Belfast Telegraph opinion poll this week, which had the SDLP and the Ulster Unionist Party neck and neck at 25 per cent as the most popular parties in Northern Ireland, but he knows the only poll that counts is on June 7th.

He knows, too, that what happens after June 7th is crucial. The Irish and British governments and the pro-agreement parties must then gear themselves for intensive negotiations on the issues of IRA arms, demilitarisation, policing and safeguarding the institutions of the agreement.

Hume-Adams will be central players in those negotiations, but will Mr Trimble be leading the Ulster Unionist charge? That, of course, will depend on whether in the face of many high hurdles Mr Trimble wins sufficient votes to remain credibly as leader.

AND this raises a question for Mr Hume. Why didn't the SDLP in the spring talks accept what the governments thought was a reasonable deal, even if Sinn Fein in particular disagreed? Didn't the SDLP effectively leave Mr Trimble in the lurch by failing to detach itself from Sinn Fein and accept what was on offer on policing?

Was this not the least the party could have done for Mr Trimble, who in recent years has taken most risks for the peace process? Mr Hume rejects any accusations of the SDLP either being dictated to by Sinn Fein on policing, or abnegating its responsibility to the agreement by not ensuring that Mr Trimble had something to sell to his electorate when he set off on his election campaign.

Mr Hume's position is that it's up to Mr Trimble to be his own salesman for the agreement. He believes the Ulster Unionist leader has a powerful argument that would withstand the threat from No unionism.

"If I were David Trimble, what I would be saying to the anti-agreement people is that the most fundamental principle of unionism since its very foundation is the principle of consent, a principle which is now accepted by entire nationalist Ireland. And if Paisley and his anti-agreement colleagues overthrow the agreement, they are overthrowing the principle of consent. And that will place unionism and the unionist people and their identity in the greatest crisis of their history."

Finally, in his gut, does he think there will ever be, and would he like to see, a united Ireland?

"Both intellectually and emotionally, and I have said this from the very moment I went into politics - go back and look at my election manifesto for 1969 - I want an agreed Ireland. That's the only basis of real unity."