As the New Year 1998 got under way, so too did the resumed talks. In the months after Christmas the settings for the multiparty talks were to alternate between Belfast, London and Dublin. However, violence was increasing in the North with the murder of leading loyalist Billy Wright while in prison, which in turn triggered a series of barbaric retaliation killings.

Key players in the talks were suspended, or as in the case of David Ervine of the PUP, voluntarily left the talks in protest at the Wright murder. As a result I had in-depth talks with David Ervine and other loyalists, mainly with a view to getting them back into the talks.

I have to admit that at one point during this meeting, when I was being seriously harangued, I couldn't help reflecting that some of these men had past records that would leave you breathless. Nevertheless, I did feel that I established a reasonable rapport with most of them, although Billy Hutchinson remained hostile. Subsequently our relationship warmed.

In a television interview which I missed but which is recorded in my wife Annette's diary (which she kept throughout my ministerial career) David Ervine said after the meeting that they had "laid out their case to the Irish Government and that there were elements of positivity in the meeting that he could almost call good".

The main thing is that after a few more anxious days while they kept us all in suspense, they decided to rejoin the talks.

It was at this time that Mo Mowlam decided to go into the Maze prison to talk to loyalist prisoners - mainly to persuade the UDA to support the talks. It was a very courageous act and so typical. She was initially much criticised for this.

At best it was seen as a gamble, but if it was it paid off and the UDA decided to support the talks. While she was getting a lot of abuse I phoned her at home more or less to say: "Don't let them get to you". I needn't have worried. Her colourful and cheerful response to my concern was very reassuring. She really was a wonderful colleague.

All the time the May deadline loomed closer. If ever the outlook appeared bleak, it was then. However, despite these difficulties, all parties remained genuinely committed to the process and the Irish and British governments concentrated their efforts to assist in finding a settlement. There were endless meetings between Irish and British officials and, of course, most of the parties involved.

Both governments at this stage were working towards the production of what were to be heads of agreement. I was in constant contact with officials, especially Dermot Gallagher, who has tremendous understanding of all the elements, coupled with great patience. The biggest difficulty was with the North-South bodies, which the unionists wanted to keep at civil servant level.

I felt very strongly about this, as indeed did the Irish Government, and paper flew for a few very anxious days, but eventually these efforts culminated in the production of a joint paper by both governments entitled Propositions on Heads of Agreement. It was imperative to the future of the negotiations that the paper was co-authored by both governments.

While the document contained some innovative points, it was largely based on the Joint Framework Document. It focused on structures in Northern Ireland, constitutional issues, North-South institutions, east-west structures and the protection of rights, equality, prisoners and policing.

It was an attempt to add a new dynamic to a stalling process - to break the impasse which had occurred before Christmas and which was in danger of becoming terminal. It was above all an effort to devise an outline for discussion and debate - nothing more, nothing less. It remained to be seen whether it would be accepted as that.

There were elements of the paper which caused difficulties for all parties, although most parties initially were positive in their response to it. Annette, who watched everything on TV, recorded in her diary: "Trimble a bit triumphalist, SDLP happy, Sinn Fein and loyalist parties very cautious".

At a meeting on January 13th it was agreed that the joint paper should receive detailed consideration - we had at least left the starting blocks!

Sinn Fein articulated their unhappiness on a number of occasions with the joint paper. They were of the belief that the paper failed to ensure the required parity across and between the three strands of negotiations.

Reports from the strand one negotiations recounted Sinn Fein's unhappiness with the Assembly proposal. They adopted the stance that it was for other parties to convince them of the need and advantages of an Assembly, and on occasion abstained from discussion. They recounted the failure of the Stormont government and asked whether the unionists had changed - evidence of just how much mistrust still existed.

At the same time Sinn Fein were acutely aware of the dilemma facing them - if they refused to engage in strand one negotiations they could hardly complain of unionist non-engagement with them.

At the end of January, we all moved to London for a three-day session focusing on strand two negotiations. Meanwhile, the situation in the North continued to be very tense and there had been a number of killings - mainly Catholics, chosen it appears at random. The UFF have admitted to some of the killings. They called it a "measured military response which is now concluded" which is spine-chilling when you think of the terrible losses so many families have had to endure.

As a result of this, the talks in London were dominated by discussion as to whether the UDP should be allowed to remain in the talks, following the UFF's admission of guilt. While the parties recognised the contribution made by Gary McMichael and the UDP, the view was widely held that they must be removed to sustain the credibility of the talks. Anticipating this decision, the UDP withdrew from the negotiations.

I held a joint press conference that evening with Mo, at which we both expressed the view that as soon as they showed by word and deed that they were committed to peace they would be back, and it could be within weeks.

On February 20th the talks moved to Dublin. We had had great hopes of making progress here, but once more they were dominated by the debate on the expulsion of one of the parties (this time Sinn Fein) as a result of more ongoing violence. Two Protestants had been recently murdered and both the RUC and the Garda attributed the killings to the IRA.

Sinn Fein claimed to have nothing to do with the IRA and brought the case to the High Court. Plenty of media coverage for Sinn Fein, but eventually the High Court threw the case out and the parties to the talks decided to eject Sinn Fein. They in turn insisted that I come in person to Belfast to give them this decision.

Meanwhile the killings continued. It was hard to keep one's hope alive.