It is unknown territory and it is fraught with difficulties. Before the Coalition Government can select a candidate for the EU Commission, it must be fairly certain the name is acceptable to Romano Prodi and that a useful portfolio will follow.

New powers given to the Commission President under the Amsterdam Treaty allow him considerable powers in reorganising the functions and management of the Commission and in choosing his new team.

The Government is expected to adopt the same approach to negotiations as the Dutch by first specifying the portfolios in which it has an interest and then identifying the candidates available, along with their qualities and experience. After that, it's down to buttering up Mr Prodi.

But how to match names with government ambition? Bertie Ahern and Mary Harney have a tricky political task, and they aren't offering to publicise names in advance of informal soundings with the president-elect.

Mr Prodi will be endorsed as president by the EU Parliament on May 4th. After that, the Taoiseach has invited him to visit Ireland as soon as possible "to discuss with the Tanaiste and myself the name of the commissioner . . . the credentials he would seek".

Names are unlikely to emerge until the Berlin Summit in the first week of June, when decisions on EU security and Commission personnel are due to be taken.

That summit will be of crucial importance to the political ambitions of Dick Spring, who has been nominated by the Government for the post of EU director of foreign affairs policy. He has also been spoken of as a possible commissioner.

The former leader of the Labour Party hasn't been letting the grass grow under his feet in seeking the foreign affairs job. Last Monday he chaired a forum organised around NATO's 50th anniversary summit in Washington DC.

It dealt with current foreign policy, including the crisis in Kosovo, as well as the future of the euro, transatlantic trade and the foreign security of the EU. Networking at that level does no harm.

A difficulty may arise for Mr Spring, however, in terms of timing. It now seems the Heads of Government will make the foreign affairs appointment on June 4th, at the same time as they announce their nominees to the new Commission. Mr Spring could fall between two stools or receive a consolation prize.

Maire Geoghegan-Quinn and Gerry Collins MEP are still being mentioned in government circles as possible candidates but, increasingly, speculation has grown about the possibility of a Cabinet Minister seeking the position.

Brian Cowen's name was mentioned frequently in the past, but informed sources suggest the Minister for Health and Children isn't really interested. Mary O'Rourke is regarded as a reluctant candidate, but the Minister for Social, Community and Family Affairs, Dermot Ahern, has now entered the frame.

Alan Dukes is widely regarded as a candidate of worth and would almost certainly be released by Fine Gael, but he does not attract much support within Fianna Fail.

The appointment has taken on the characteristics of a slow bicycle race as the government parties seek to put a strategy in place before June 4th. The pace is in marked contrast with the furious activity that surrounded our acting Commissioner, Padraig Flynn, a little more than a month ago.

Back then, the opposition parties couldn't wait to get rid of Mr Flynn because of the controversy surrounding the payment of £50,000 by Tom Gilmartin and the Commissioner's refusal to answer questions posed by the Dail.

Compared with the result of the Sheedy case, where two judges and a senior legal officer resigned, the resilience of Mr Flynn and his reluctance to vacate his post has been striking. There was hardly a murmur of complaint in the Dail two weeks ago when Bertie Ahern broke the news that Ireland's acting EU Commissioner would be with us for many months yet, perhaps even until October.

This was the man the opposition parties couldn't wait to sack; the man whose position was deemed "impossible" by Mary Harney; the man who refused a formal Dail request to clear up the little matter of a £50,000 donation from Tom Gilmartin; the man who formally resigned with his Commission colleagues last March. And he is still Ireland's official face in Brussels.

Time and political attention had moved on, pragmatic politics had taken over. When it appeared that Mr Flynn would not be formally nominated as a caretaker Commissioner - he would carry on under his original mandate - the opposition parties opted for silence and cunning. Forcing his resignation - if that was possible - might create a temporary Irish vacancy in Brussels and reflect badly on them in advance of the European and local elections.

Far better to keep a wounded Commissioner in public view - and anyway, there were more exotic fish to fry.

The development reflected the fickle nature of Irish politics and, indeed, of media coverage. Mr Flynn was yesterday's man in terms of political blood-sports. He might not be out, but he was certainly down. And the clock was ticking.

The Taoiseach adopted the usual formula on behalf of the Government: this will work itself out if we sit tight and do nothing, and he outlined a timetable for Mr Flynn's replacement.

A new European parliament would be elected on June 11th and would meet in late July to begin the process of ratifying a new Commission, including Ireland's nominee. Mr Flynn would remain in place until that process was completed, which might run into October.

After that, he might be in a position to co-operate with Mr Justice Flood.