A BIOGRAPHY:From the 1980s, Bertie Ahern directed support in Fianna Fáil like a general would his troops, writes HARRY McGEE
SOMETIME IN early 1977, George Colley, who was then a very a senior figure in Fianna Fáil, approached Frank Dunlop to ask him to consider standing as a candidate in a north Dublin constituency. As he writes in his autobiography, Dunlop declined the offer but asked about the other hopefuls in the mix.
"We have a fellow called Ahern," replied Colley, "but I don't think he will amount to anything."
In a way you can understand why someone like Colley would say that about Bertie Ahern. He would not be the first who did not look beyond Ahern's unassuming, humble, folksy and placid persona, who failed to recognise the extraordinary non-stop political machine whirring away furiously behind the mask.
To quote another leader, George Bush, who also has a habit of taking the English language cross-country (although never with Ahern's unique skill for muddying the waters): "Don't misunderestimate me."
Bertie (Bartholomew Patrick) Ahern was born on September 12th, 1951, the youngest of five children of Con and Julia Ahern, both from Cork. While born and bred in Dublin, Ahern was almost a country boy. His father had been a member of the IRA in west Cork during the War of Independence, and after moving to Dublin, became the manager of the Vincentian Order's farm at All Hallows, where the young Ahern also worked.
Ahern jnr first became involved with Fianna Fáil at 14, putting up posters for the 1965 presidential election. Upon finishing school he started working as an accounts clerk in the Mater Hospital, where he met his lifelong friend Tony Kett. His other main involvements at the time were Fianna Fáil, the Manchester United supporters club and as the founder of a soccer team called All Hamptons. He married Miriam Kelly in 1975.
Showing his trademark skills for organising a loyal and tight-knit group of supporters around him, he came from nowhere to almost snatch a nomination at the selection convention in 1977. The party was keen to project a youthful image and Ahern was added to the ticket and defied expectations by winning a seat on the back of 3,700 first preferences as part of a Fianna Fáil landslide victory.
Ahern's first two years as a TD were low profile, with a primary focus on his constituency. Significantly, he backed Charles Haughey in the leadership contest in 1979, ahead of Colley.
In his first major advancement, Haughey appointed him assistant party whip in late 1980. It was not a senior role, but the chief whip, Seán Moore, became ill, propelling Ahern into a role that mixed responsibility with an opportunity to know, and be known by, all colleagues. With Fianna Fáil in a constant state of internal warfare, it was a difficult job, but one which was suited to his ability to straddle both camps. He would later say that the splits and heaves of the early 1980s convinced him that party unity was more important than anything else.
RTÉ archive pictures from the early 1980s of Ahern canvassing show why he became known as the ward boss. A huge team surrounds Ahern as they walk hurriedly through an estate, with him directing his troops like a general. The constituency operation was bearing evident results, with most of the "Drumcondra mafia" already in place. They included Tony Kett, Tim Collins, Joe Burke, Des Richardson and the late Gerry Brennan.
Ahern cemented his prospects, becoming the regular poll-topper in Dublin Central from 1981 onwards. His position as chief whip was also formalised, bringing to the fore another personal trait, that of consensus-seeker.
As Séamus Brennan later recalled: "As chief whip, Bertie Ahern learned to come down the white line and take both sides of the street with him. I don't know how he got away with it."
Although closely associated with Haughey, Ahern did not draw the same level of vitriol from the opposing camp as others did. His image at the time was very much that of a "man of the people" with the north Dublin accent, the trademark anorak and the lank ruffled hair. It made him into an extraordinarily popular figure, and not only with Fianna Fáil supporters. In 1986, he was elected Lord Mayor of Dublin, moving to the Mansion House with Miriam and his two young daughters, Georgina and Cecelia (both now well-known in their own right). He was a busy mayor, building up a high national profile.
WHEN FIANNA Fáil returned to power in 1987, Ahern was appointed Minister for Labour, where he played to his undisputed skills as a mediator and path-finder.
Later he would become a central figure in all three major national agreements involving the social partners, bringing industrial peace for almost two decades. His consensual instincts and skills as a negotiator would also be used to huge effect during the decade-long peace negotiations in the North.
By the late 1980s, Ahern was very much perceived by others as Haughey's protege. As national treasurer of Fianna Fáil, he had been co-signatory on the party leader's bank account, and his name remained as a co-signatory until 1992. Blank cheques signed by Ahern ended up in Haughey's personal accounts while others were used to buy Charvet shirts and pay for meals at Le Coq Hardi.
Ahern told the Moriarty tribunal that it was his habit to sign blank cheques which were later filled out by Haughey.
Two years into the historic 1989 coalition with the Progressive Democrats, Ahern organised a mid-term renewal of the deal.
It was at the conclusion of the negotiations that Charles Haughey stuck his head around the door of a room where Ahern was briefing political correspondents: "He's the man," he said. "He's the best, the most skilful, the most devious and the most cunning of them all."
Meanwhile in Drumcondra, St Luke's was acquired on behalf of Ahern and Fianna Fáil. The building, bought for £71,000, later became a central part of inquiries into Ahern's finances. He had separated from his wife Miriam by the late 1980s and subsequently stayed in an upstairs apartment at the building. During this period, he became involved in a relationship with Celia Larkin, a Fianna Fáil activist and employee at St Luke's. She would later describe herself as his "life partner". Their relationship ended during his second term as Taoiseach.
Ahern told the Mahon Tribunal that he operated no bank account between 1987, when he separated, until shortly before he became leader of Fianna Fáil. During that time, he says, he saved £50,000 from his salary. It also emerged that some £30,000 from the B/T account (which Ahern claims is the building trust account for St Luke's) at Irish Permanent in Drumcondra was transferred to Ms Larkin to fund the purchase of a house.
In 1991, after Albert Reynolds failed in a bid for the leadership, Charles Haughey sacked him and appointed Ahern Minister for Finance. But shortly afterwards, Haughey himself was forced to stand down in February 1992. With the Reynolds camp keen to avoid a contest, the issue of Ahern's marital status was raised - Michael Smith, a Reynolds supporter, was quoted as saying: "People do like to know where the taoiseach of the day is living." Partly because of the potential political embarrassment for him, Ahern decided not to stand.
He was made Minister for Finance in Reynolds's short-lived government, which collapsed in late 1992 amid clashes between Reynolds and PD leader Des O'Malley over the Beef Tribunal report.
Ahern continued in Finance in the new coalition with the Labour Party, fresh from winning 33 seats in the election.
But that arrangement also collapsed two years into its term, this time because of the alleged inaction by the Attorney General's office over the extradition of a paedophile priest. After Reynolds resigned, Ahern, at 43, became the new leader of Fianna Fáil. His only rival, Máire Geoghegan Quinn, withdrew on the day of the contest. By this stage he had made public his separation from his wife.
Many of the financial transactions that the Mahon tribunal is currently investigating - including those involving him renting and later purchasing a house in a Dublin estate - are clustered around this period.
AS THE NEW leader, Ahern expected to become taoiseach. However, another case - the Duggan case - involving the extradition of a priest, emerged. Labour leader Dick Spring opted to support the nomination of John Bruton for taoiseach. It came as a huge body blow to Ahern, with some of his supporters accusing Spring of using the relatively minor events as an excuse to wriggle out of coalition with Fianna Fáil.
Ahern, with the help of former EU Commissioner Ray McSharry, began rebuilding Fianna Fáil in 1994. Despite the hugely damaging disclosures involving Charles Haughey receiving over £1 million from supermarket boss Ben Dunne, Ahern very effectively distanced himself from his old mentor in the run-up to the 1997 election campaign. Despite pellucidly-clear economic growth under the Rainbow Coalition, Fianna Fáil carried the election, thanks to very efficient management of its votes and of its candidates.
It returned to power with the help of the PDs and independents, with Ahern becoming Taoiseach on June 26th. He named Charlie McCreevy as Finance Minister. However, his choice for Foreign Affairs, Ray Burke, was controversial and later that year Burke was forced to resign both his ministry and Dáil seat over allegations that he received two payments of £30,000 from developers. Ahern attacked the Opposition in the Dáil, chiding it for the "persistent hounding of an honourable man, on the basis of innuendo and unproven allegations".
In the same year, another example of Ahern's reputed "cunning" emerged when he secretly backed the nomination of Mary McAleese as Fianna Fáil candidate for president, while publicly purporting to support Reynolds's nomination.
Within a year of becoming Taoiseach, Ahern signed the Belfast Agreement on Good Friday, April 10th, 1998, following dramatic and marathon negotiations. It was one of his finest moments, made all the more considerable given that his mother, Julia, died during the talks.
With Ireland's economy enjoying rapid growth and prosperity, the Fianna Fáil/PD coalition won a facile victory in the 2002 general election. However, after poor local and European elections in 2004, Charlie McCreevy was asked to relinquish his finance portfolio (to become Ireland's EU Commissioner) to the more centrist and less ideologically driven Brian Cowen. It was part of the "Inchydoney strategy", a deliberate move by Fianna Fáil to rid itself of a "right of centre" image.
In that year, Ahern also oversaw a very successful presidency of the European Union, culminating with agreement on a constitutional treaty and accession of 10 new member states.
Two years later, in September, 2006, The Irish Times revealed that personal payments were made to Ahern in the early 1990s. It led to disclosures of "dig-outs" and a Manchester dinner, and a further series of disclosures that would eventually lead Ahern to step down earlier than he had planned.
Ahern's personal finances dominated the opening fortnight of last year's general election. However, in the final week of the campaign the momentum shifted towards the Government, as it succeeded - thanks mainly to Brian Cowen - in steering the debate back to management of the economy. Boosted by the impact of Ahern's address to the joint houses of parliament at Westminster, and his clear edge in a televised debate with Fine Gael leader Enda Kenny, the party came within four seats of an overall majority. A coalition was negotiated with the Greens and the Progressive Democrats. Ahern had won a remarkable third term in Government for Fianna Fáil.
However, his own stated aim of remaining Taoiseach until his 60th birthday in September 2011 was not realised. With new disclosures emerging about his financial affairs, he announced he would step down as Taoiseach and Fianna Fáil leader just under a year after the 2007 general election.