The Orange Parade had just passed by, stone throwing nationalists/youths/residents had been held back by the RUC and scuffles had broken out. As the police pulled out, a senior RUC officer made sure to approach a watching journalist and say: "You will point out that, once again, we were stuck in the middle, won't you?" News from Northern Ireland usually seems to be very straightforward, with what you see being what you get. However image is as important in the North as anywhere else, especially during an unstable peace process watched by millions at home and abroad. Parties and governments employ people to act as guardians of that image, and it should come as no surprise that Northern Ireland has its own "spin doctors" attempting to put their own slant on events.
Politics in Northern Ireland is still, for the most part, a very intimate affair. Even senior politicians perform tasks which their counterparts in Britain or the Republic would have done for them. Up until recently, this would have included dealing with the press; even now, the classic, all-powerful spin doctor cannot be said to exist - yet.
Northern-based parties such as Alliance, the SDLP, the DUP and the Ulster Unionists have only gained full-time press officers in the last few years, around the paramilitary ceasefires and Stormont negotiations.
In Northern Ireland, as anywhere else, no one will admit even to having met a spin doctor, but here as anywhere else their role is far more than that of a simple channel of information from party to press. The information given is presented in the best way possible for the organisation.
"All the parties are generally the same," says one journalist for a Belfast paper. "If they don't want a story done, they will say `that's not true', or they'll give you another version. If they like the idea of a story, they will give you lots of information."
This highlights an important point: while he may try to help journalists, a press officer's first and only loyalty lies with the party or government that employs him. In dealing with press officers, or with any political figure, the journalist must remember this and maintain a certain level of scepticism.
This is especially true in cases where one party or faction is commenting on the fortunes of others - and obviously has an interest portraying them in as bad a light as possible.
off the record
No matter what the title, the primary activity of the press officer is providing information to the media. This can take many forms: the most obvious is the press release, while the arranging of interviews, conferences and events are other examples of how this is done. The most important part of the job, however, is having close relations with the press. "It's about being able to phone people up if there is something happening and you don't want them to say it for four or five hours and trusting them to keep their word," says David Kerr, the press secretary for David Trimble's Ulster Unionist Party.
Of great importance to any would-be spin doctor is the off-the-record briefing. This is where information is given - but on the understanding that it will not be attributed to the person giving it. These briefings have more than one purpose. Mainly they are a means of informing journalists how the party "really" thinks, behind the public rhetoric. They also serve to keep relations with the press close. They can also be used to attack other parties or dissenters under the cover of confidentiality. Off-the-record comments are often also used to test out ideas quietly. The reaction of the media and the wider audience will be watched closely and a decision to proceed with a policy or idea could be made on the strength of this. Sinn Fein, in particular, used this tactic during the peace process on issues such as ceasefires and decommissioning.
Very often when the phrase "a source said" appears, the actual source will have been a press officer. Practising journalists estimate that this is the case around 50 to 60 per cent of the time.
discipline and control
However, it's not only spin doctors who give out off-the-record information. Most journalists will have contacts with other people in an organisation. The more information comes from other sources, the less control the spin doctor has over information. So, are discipline and control the most important factors in determining a spin doctor's success? "Absolutely," says David Kerr. "Spin doctors can only do so much - ultimately you have to be singing from the same hymnsheet. More importantly, the party needs to be saying what you are saying." As press officer for the UUP, the most divided party in the North at the moment, David Kerr should know.
It could be suggested that if it is not possible to keep the party "on message" - i.e., everyone saying the same thing - on a given issue, it is better not to have a message at all, to try to ignore differences. However, as the case of the UUP demonstrates, that is sometimes not possible. At times like this, a spin doctor's role is to try to play down division and dissent. No two parties are alike in their relations with the press, either in terms of their degree of proficiency or the discipline they maintain. Parties such as the SDLP and DUP, while poles apart politically, are alike in that their members are very loyal to the leadership and can be trusted to maintain the party line.
Sinn Fein is also reckoned to be very disciplined. During election campaigns, the party circulates sheets to its workers detailing the kinds of questions they are likely to face and what their responses to them should be. "If you ask an awkward question of Sinn Fein councillors, they will just refer you to the press office," one journalist says.
In contrast, the UUP has been under much less tight control because of internal rivalries and differences over the Belfast Agreement. It has found it very difficult to maintain a united front.
And this situation of division makes it easy for journalists to get in-depth information.
a critical media
It is somewhat ironic that both Sinn Fein and the DUP feel they are dealing with a critical media. They are actually reckoned to be the two most proficient parties at dealing with journalists.
Jim Gibney, "Six Counties" public relations officer for Sinn Fein, explains that a job such as his has existed in the party for more than 15 years; the party's all-volunteer press team is "second to none".
It could be argued that the Sinn Fein has needed to be good at dealing with the press over this period, as it has been defending what many would consider to be the indefensible. The DUP clearly appreciates that the only thing worse than being talked about is not being talked about. St Clair McAlister, DUP director of communications, says on issues of principle all his party members are "at one". DUP members are encouraged to call the media with their slant on an issue and they know how to make the most of a contentious topic.
the government line
While full-time press officers are a fairly new development among the political parties, the Northern Ireland Office (NIO) - the British government's base in the North - has employed them for years. Senior press officers in the NIO are often experienced former journalists, attracted by very healthy salaries. Journalists say the Northern Ireland Office has its own agenda too, and this is reflected in the message given by its press officers. The peace process is always portrayed as being in good health, with parties that disapprove - such as the DUP and UK Unionists - being portrayed as spent forces and out of touch with the people.
Before the referendum on the Belfast Agreement, the "No" camp produced a leaked document which underlined how the NIO would conduct its media campaign. Of particular note was the comment that the NIO should seek to suppress opinion polls which suggested the campaign was not going well. Was it proper for government to be indulging in such manipulation?
It can be argued that only the most optimistic approach to a settlement in Northern Ireland has brought the advances of the last few years. From the top down, a positive, pro-agreement "spin" was an integral part of this approach. Without it, there might have been no agreement.
The case of Northern Ireland illustrates that what one person may dismiss as spin or propaganda, others may view simply as good PR for a cause they sincerely believe in. Where does the difference lie?