DRAPIER thinks the Government deserves all the hassle it is getting. Fine Gael was caught out committing one of the great political crimes: trying to be all things to all men (and women). The hapless Phil Hogan, chairman of the Fine Gael parliamentary party, has, yet again, got himself into trouble by "jumping the gun". Readers will remember that he had to resign because he inadvertently "leaked" details of a Budget. Last week he found it necessary to disown a statement which had his fingerprints all over it.
Over the last two years, Fine Gael has been issuing midnight press releases, mainly in the name of Hogan, to highlight a distinct Fine Gael view on various issues. This way of operating was "blown away" by the amazing assertion from the Taoiseach last Friday that Fine Gael had no distinct policy other than Government policy.
There had been some suggestion that John Bruton was thoroughly enjoying his stint as Taoiseach but Drapier and others were taken aback by how far the Taoiseach is prepared to go in order to keep the Government together.
Bruton did not even have to be reprimanded by his Coalition colleagues. He was out at the slightest hint of trouble and rather disingenuously blamed a junior press officer.
There is a general feeling among some commentators around the House that Fine Gael is prepared to blame anybody else except itself Nora Owen and the Special Criminal Court is a case in point.
Drapier thinks even Garret FitzGerald would not go as far as Bruton. The suggestion that the biggest party in Government is completely subservient to the others was given great credence by Bruton's "no policy" statement. Drapier would suggest that perhaps some of the more enterprising political journalists might question Dick Spring and Proinsias De Rossa as to whether it is also the case that their respective parties do not have any distinct policy when in Government. The Taoiseach's thinking may revolutionise the definition of coalition governments.
Drapier has noticed that this Government is a past master at "taking the two sides of the road". While Government policy may be declared by Ministers, selected backbenchers are pushed out front to articulate their own party's view on an issue (as if they were not in Government).
A case in point was the religious ethos provisions in the Employment Equality Bill. The Government (including Proinsias De Rossa and Pat Rabbitte) approved the provisions of the Bill and it was published However Eric Byrne and Kathleen Lynch were immediately put up to making speeches threatening that they would pull the plug on the Bill. Because of this, the Government had a rethink and the Bill was changed to suit. One could [say that Eric Byrne and Kathleen Lynch were more powerful than the two Democratic Left members who actually sit at the Cabinet table.
Labour backbenchers are suspected of reading speeches "of their Master's Voice". They have become past masters at decrying Government policy, conveniently forgetting that their party has been in Government for as long as, if not more than, any other political party in recent years.
Fine Gael backbenchers are renowned for speaking in the Chamber in favour of an Opposition amendment but, when it comes to the crunch, voting against it. So much for having the courage of your convictions, or is it just politics as we know it today?
Not that it was any different when Fianna Fail and the PDs were in Government in various guises, but there is a sneaking suspicion that perhaps this crowd is getting away with it without the spotlight on it (apart from the debacle last week over the rural water charges).
On the latter issue, Drapier thinks that the most pertinent point must be how the Government and Brendan Howlin came to make this decision in the first place. Undoubtedly, this decision was made to assuage the Dublin voters, particularly after the hammering Labour received in the Dublin West by election.
DRAPIER feels that the suggestion that the present anomalies were unforeseen is pure balderdash. Drapier is certain that Department of Environment officials would have pointed out to the Minister the error of his ways: that's what officials are for.
Drapier is convinced that Brendan Howlin, and indeed the Cabinet, must have been aware of the consequences but that they chose to proceed nonetheless. The opposition parties were reluctant to criticise what, in effect, was a good news decision but the implications were quickly understood by rural deputies of all parties.
The Government may have thought the issue would die down but this was not to be. The entire issue raises very serious questions as to how this Government is behaving as regards the date of the election. It is all very well for Ruairi Quinn to say that there will be no more pre election handouts but he knows as well as Drapier that the longer the election is held back the more demands will be made to which the Government will be obliged to accede. Drapier would warn the Government that this holding back may rebound on them.
While a lot of the pressure groups would rather a later election, in order to get their demands in, Drapier feels that the general public will not thank the Government for prevarication.
Drapier warns the Government: Do not take the voters for fools.
The PDs must have had a "rush of blood to the head" in their promise of £23 million a year for the rural water schemes. Drapier just wonders were the financial gurus of the PDs, Mary Harney and Michael McDowell, aware of Bobby Molloy's statement before he made it. The PDs, who had been playing a blinder up to this, certainly scored an own goal.
Fianna Fail was much slower off the mark no doubt it will say the reason was that it did not - have sight of the books. Drapier wonders was the dead hand of Charlie McCreevy in action on this.
Proinsias De Rossa stirred up troubled waters by his comments on Saturday when he yet again "dumped" on the farming fraternity. All in all, it has not been a good week for Fine Gael on this issue and De Rossa's comments haven't helped. Farmers over the years have been fairly - solid in their support for Fine Gael but they may very well turn on a party which is seen to have been paralysed every time De Rossa makes an onslaught on them.
Drapier must admit that this week he harboured extremely dark thoughts against the members of the Independent Review Body on Pay and Conditions for TDs, of which Michael Buckley of the AIB is head. His predecessor, Dermot Gleeson (now Attorney General), was "generous" in the extreme some years ago (Drapier is being sarcastic) when he awarded us £1,000 extra per year, that award coming from someone whose profession is reputed to earn £1,000 a day!
Most of us would have felt that his successor, Michael Buckley, who comes from the private banking sector, would have brought a fresh approach but, lo and behold, according to reports, all that he and his body see us worth is another extra £1,000 a year, and to rub salt into our wounds, we now learn that he, Mr Buckley, is earning six times what we currently earn.
The joke in the bar last week was that we should do what other groups in the country do, and that is threaten a strike: a sick joke if you ask Drapier. He forecasts that unless the pay is substantially increased in the next few years, there will be a mass exodus, and not just from the older crew but from the younger generation also.
DRAPIER can detect a distinct change of mood in the newer deputies whose original verve has been dampened, and the pay issue is one reason for this.
People don't mind putting up with long hours and constant abuse but what they cannot abide is constant rebuffing by Independent Pay Groups who are, in effect, saying "you are all no use" (and nothing could be further from the truth!).
Many older deputies have announced their intended retirement at the upcoming election. No real surprises not even Mervyn Taylor's this week. But the timing of Taylor's announcement is proof positive that the election will be held no later than June. Drapier wonders will Taylor be the last high profile Labour figure to retire? Watch this space?