One of the most influential civil servants in the formulation of Dublin's policy towards the North was Eamonn Gallagher who was exclusively focused on this agenda at Iveagh House. He spent much time north of the Border and had good contacts on all sides and a sophisticated analysis of the historical background to Partition.
He clearly believed that the South's politicians who constantly advised politicians in Belfast and London to grasp nettles should be as willing to grasp some closer to home - nettles which were, after all, within their own jurisdiction. He was more aware than some of how volatile the situation was. In March 1971 he noted that in dealing with the North "one must constantly be on guard against both depression and euphoria. It is difficult to avoid infection from people who live in the area with whom we are in contact as even the most stable of them incline to swing from one mood to the other in very short time intervals."
He was an enthusiastic supporter of a united Ireland as a long-term objective and was an indefatigable writer of memoranda on the evolving situation. In January 1971 he provided his minister, Paddy Hillery, with copious arguments on why it was "advisable to begin a process of dismantling the Constitution". Hugh McCann, secretary of the Department of Foreign Affairs, advised caution. Gallagher's memo was "perhaps too strong". McCann would prefer "the more gradual approach of preparing the public for 'a loosening up' of the Constitution".
Gallagher's original analysis had excoriated the retention of the laws prohibiting the sale and importation of contraceptives, pointing out that they were "held up to ridicule" in the North. He quoted Garret Fitz-Gerald twice in support of his arguments: "The law should not involve itself in matters of theology and private conscience." Gallagher added his own verdict: "Precisely." There was, he argued, "an unassailable" case for change. This won Hillery's support and he advised Lynch to promise to revoke the legislation at the Fianna Fβil Ardfheis. The government needed "to show that we are serious about national reconciliation and that we are adopting a broadminded approach".
Lynch, who was sent Hillery's advice and Gallagher's background analysis, also preferred what he called "a less startling approach". And on the question of what Gallagher had termed "offensive statutes", Lynch commented: "I do not think that we should take on the contraception issue - not just yet at least. I think a broader reference to this should suffice."
Gallagher had also advocated the introduction of an ombudsman and had again cited Garret FitzGerald's support for the idea. Lynch felt "no fixed opposition" to the idea but was lukewarm - "a bit gimmicky" - and wary of the potential cost. He added he had "great respect for the intelligence, articulation and application of Dr Garret FitzGerald but not so much for his judgment".
Gallagher's hand can also be found in the advice given to Jack Lynch before his St Patrick's Day visit to President Nixon in Washington. It is also a fair summary of Dublin's policy line on Northern Ireland at this juncture. In briefing Nixon, Lynch was advised by Gallagher to emphasise how accurately Dublin had read the evolving Northern crisis in recent years. Northern nationalists had indeed got "fed up with the situation where all power, authority, wealth and privilege was stubbornly kept in the hands of one section of the community". The British had told Dublin it was "none of our business" and had not listened to Dublin's warnings on "the real underlying gravity" of the situation.
But events had proved Dublin right and London should now recognise "the need not to continue to cater to this historic abnormality as the consequences could very well be disastrous". The Irish Government "was not seeking the reunification of Ireland overnight. We do not think it wise or possible to obtain this." What Dublin wanted was a tacit understanding with Britain that "we should gradually begin to thaw out the situation in the North so that peaceful coexistence of the communities in the North can be guaranteed and made effective". And we aspire to Irish unification by peaceful means "but have no intention of ramming this down anyone's throat".
In any dealings with the British government Gallagher advised that the Irish should "continue to point to Irish unification as the natural end of the road" so that the British "will become accustomed to the idea".
But it should not be "pushed too hard" lest Dublin provide the already "broken" Unionist Party with a common enemy; moreover "immediate moves to unification will certainly bring about a civil war. If, by waiting, we can at least avoid the worst excesses of civil war by reducing 'gut' opposition to Irish unity then, in my opinion, we should not hasten prematurely to union."
