European Diary/ Jamie Smyth: EU diplomats and journalists spent last week debating how Nicolas Sarkozy's election as French president would affect European politics. His views on the EU constitution, Turkey and protectionism were all scrutinised in minute detail in the bars, cafes and restaurants of Brussels's EU quarter.
In contrast, the pending Irish election has barely raised an eyebrow, bar the odd reference to the "Bertiegate" allegations among the EU press corps. The lack of interest is not surprising. Ireland is one of 27 states in the union and is not considered a heavyweight player in the upcoming redraft of the constitution. EU issues are also largely peripheral in a campaign focusing on health, education and the economy.
But what can our EU partners expect if there is a change of government? Fine Gael, the party most likely to lead a rival coalition, is a strong supporter of European integration and particularly strengthening Irish defence policy. Its manifesto pledges to reform the "triple lock" mechanism, which only permits Irish participation in EU peacekeeping operations sanctioned by the UN Security Council. It also wants to join a "mutual defence" pact with our EU partners, although it pledges to create safeguards to enable the Republic to get involved in conflicts only on a case-by-case basis.
"The triple lock is nonsense," says Fine Gael MEP Gay Mitchell, who wants to avoid situations like in 2003, when Irish troops could not join a mission in Macedonia because China used its veto at the UN.
Fianna Fáil proposes a more cautious defence policy, pledging to retain the triple lock and keeping "neutrality" central to its vision of Ireland. However, it supports participation in EU battlegroups - rapid reaction forces deployed abroad.
Voters should not expect Fine Gael's vision of "EU mutual defence" to kick in soon after assuming power, as it would have to rely on the support of Labour and the Greens to form a coalition. Both partners pledge to defend Irish neutrality, with the Greens wanting to protect "Irish neutrality from any further moves towards an EU common defence policy". They would also seek a referendum to define neutrality in the Constitution, a policy that could impinge on Irish deployments on EU missions.
On EU institutional reform, Fianna Fáil says it supports the EU constitution as a balanced response to the needs of an expanding union. Yet it gives few clues to the parts of the treaty that it believes should be salvaged during its renegotiation.
Labour says it supports the incorporation of the European Charter of Fundamental Rights in the treaty and would convene an intergovernmental conference to agree EU policies on climate change, global poverty and human trafficking. It also promises to campaign for a "social Europe" to ensure a better quality of life for citizens - a proposal supported by France and opposed by Britain.
The Progressive Democrats say they would promote ratification of the EU constitution as a fair agreement that "balances national sovereignty with the need for the EU to operate efficiently". However, they oppose a federalist view of the EU, which they say would establish a "European superstate".
Fine Gael focuses on promoting the EU constitution, and pledges actively to engage in "wide-ranging national debate" on the treaty and to hold a referendum within 12 months of attaining power. It also wants to beef up scrutiny of EU policies by insisting all ministers report to the Dáil's European Affairs committee and by proposing that all council of ministers meetings are held in public when debating laws.
The only EU policy that has attracted attention in the campaign so far is a plan by Brussels to harmonise the corporate tax base in Europe. In its manifesto, Fianna Fáil headlines its EU policy with a pledge to "vigorously oppose all moves towards harmonisation of taxation".
As with most other European policies, there seems to be little difference between the parties, with Fine Gael, Labour and the Greens all pledging to defend the Republic's 12.5 per cent corporate tax rate. Sinn Féin, which is the most Eurosceptic of the parties, is also pledging to "reclaim and protect Irish sovereignty over taxation from encroachment by the EU".
With an EU budget review next year and ongoing talks trying to find a world trade deal, the Common Agricultural Policy will be topical. Once again Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael are at one, pledging not to make any further concessions on agriculture.
In the absence of major policy differences, Fianna Fáil has stressed the personality factor, emphasising Bertie Ahern's active role on the European stage. Ahern is one of the longest-serving EU leaders and was widely praised for his adroit handling of the Republic's EU presidency, which got a tricky political deal on the EU constitution.
Yet Fine Gael leader Enda Kenny is no stranger in Europe. Fine Gael's membership of the European People's Party (EPP) - the biggest group in the European Parliament - means he rubs shoulders with EPP heavyweights Angela Merkel, Nicolas Sarkozy and European Commission president José Manuel Barroso at its group summits.
Whoever is in charge following the election, their first big task will be to defend Irish interests at crucial talks on a new EU institutional agreement in mid-June.
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