Historic events have a way of being humdrum and banal on the surface. The long-awaited formal entry of Sinn Fein to the Stormont talks, billed as the most important Anglo-Irish negotiations since 1921, was a quiet, almost staid, affair.
The party which no longer likes to be called the political wing of the IRA was committing itself to the Mitchell Principles of democracy and non-violence, but the atmosphere was about as exciting as your local supermarket.
There should be regulations that on days when history is being made the traffic must stop and people should line the boulevards observing the history-makers in their stately passing.
There was none of this - only a newspaper poster with "Sinn Fein says No to violence". A South African radio station rang for an interview with this writer and, as I waited on the line, I could hear the end of the previous item, an encomium for F.W. de Klerk.
Nationalists have long been calling for the emergence of a "Unionist De Klerk" but they must cease now because it equates the formerly-racist Afrikaaners with the unionists - and many unionists find that insulting.
At long last, political correctness has come to Northern Ireland. Politicians from both communities are circling each other warily, and there is no place for insensitive comparisons with the Boers.
It was noticeable that Gerry Adams, the arch-demon of unionist propaganda, bent over backwards to be sensitive to the feelings of the other community when answering reporters. He was concerned not to appear "patronising". George Mitchell was his usual statesmanlike self. Although he and his fellow-chairmen, Harri Holkeri and Gen John de Chastelain, stood throughout their press conference, the tone was very low-key and relaxed. Mr Mitchell made it clear that he could live with a proximity-talks format so long as progress was being made. One could almost hear the ghost of Brian Lenihan whisper: "No problem."
The defining moment came 10 minutes past midday when Sinn Fein affirmed its acceptance of the Mitchell Principles. No bells sounded, no comets were seen in the sky, but maybe - just maybe - things would never be quite the same again.
Despite the best efforts of Lord Alderdice of the Alliance Party, the TV cameras are still excluded from the Stormont deliberations. We know Sinn Fein sat beside the SDLP, across the room from Mr Mitchell and the representatives of the two governments. The Alliance Party and Women's Coalition were also present, but the five unionist/loyalist parties stayed away.
What is the sound of one hand clapping? The question on everyone's mind is: will the Ulster Unionists be back on Monday, the date set for the start of substantive talks, and will they be in the same room as Sinn Fein?
The best guess at this stage is: Yes, they will be in the building, and No, they won't be in the same room as "The Shinners".
Offstage, one can hear sounds of anguish and discord from the loyalist camp. One loyalist prisoner is reported to be seriously ill and, outside the gates of Stormont yesterday, hundreds of protesters gathered to press the case of loyalists for prison concessions. Small wonder that loyalist leaders are said to be under severe pressure at the moment.
David Trimble is expected to meet Tony Blair today. The Ulster Unionist leader will no doubt be hoping for some reassuring words or gestures to strengthen his position when he comes to face his 111-member party executive at Glengall Street next Saturday.
Senior UUP sources were optimistic the meeting would endorse the strategy of returning to the talks, but not to the table. A twofisted barnstorming performance by the UUP leaders next week, "exposing" the Sinn Fein leaders for what unionists believe they really are, should provide enough comfort and reassurance to keep their followers in line for the present.
As so often in the past, Mr Trimble is said to be "under pressure", but given the parliamentary arithmetic at Westminster and the way the two governments are singing from the same hymn-sheet, more or less, the wilderness and another round of street protests don't appear to be an attractive option to unionists at the present time.
Decommissioning came in for mention with the Political Development Minister, Mr Paul Murphy, confirming that the verification body was now virtually established.
Government sources on both sides were blase about the issue. Perhaps the absence of the unionists contributed to an air of unreality, but spin-doctors on both sides averred that it would not block progress towards substantive negotiations.
Ray Burke was given splash coverage in the Belfast Telegraph. "My Goal is Irish Unity" was the front-page headline, but in an interview with the paper he insisted the Irish Government was abiding by the principle of consent.
The ripples of Mo Mowlam's no-numbers, no-geography definition of consent are still being felt in unionist and loyalist circles. She was taking a badly-needed break in Spain and missed yesterday's defining moment. But she will have a chance to clarify her position at Stormont next Monday.