Recent events in Spain have focused attention on Irish policy in the Iraqi war, as anti-war protesters prepare to demonstrate in Dublin on Saturday, writes Deaglán de Bréadún
The terror attacks in Spain and the possibility that they could be repeated in other countries, including Ireland, have brought the issue of Irish policy on the Iraqi conflict back into the spotlight.
As with Irish policy on other issues, it is not easy to say precisely where the Government stood. Ireland did not participate in the war and no Irish troops were sent to the conflict zone but there seems to be a public perception that we did, in fact, take part.
This derives from the provision of overflight and landing facilities to US military aircraft. That issue became the focus of the Irish anti-war campaign and remains at the core of all objections to Government policy.
"The Irish Government's policy was to assist the American war effort by giving them the very important facility of Shannon Airport," says the Green Party TD, Mr John Gormley, one of the more vociferous opponents of the Iraq War.
"We alone of the neutral states assisted the American war effort. Austria, Switzerland, Finland, Sweden: none of them assisted in any way, it would be totally incompatible with the concept of neutrality."
The response of the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr Cowen, is to point out that other EU neutrals, Sweden, Finland and Austria, are in a different geographical and strategic location. "With its very extensive airspace, Ireland lies on the direct flight path between North America and Europe and the Middle East," he told the Dáil. "Sweden and Finland are remote from such flight paths and Austria is easily circumnavigated."
Mr Cowen also insists there were "long-standing arrangements" for the provision of overflight and landing facilities to US military aircraft, going back 50 years. "To withhold them now is to redefine, not maintain, the established policy position in this area," he said. Identical facilities were provided to the US and its allies during the Kosovo conflict, "despite the absence of explicit UN authorisation".
Mr Gormley scoffs at this: "The Government had to come up with some excuse, saying this is nothing new, we have always given the Americans the use of Shannon, e.g., during the Vietnam War. If it was done, it was done secretly, I doubt if anyone knew it. It was not public policy to help combatants during a war." Diplomatic sources point out that US troops travelling to Vietnam would have tended to travel in a different direction from America's west coast and not via Shannon.
Ireland's relationship with the US is the reason most often given for providing overflight and transit facilities. Indeed, one senior Irish diplomat is quoted as saying privately that withdrawing permission to use Shannon Airport would be "tantamount to declaring war on the US".
Diplomatic sources point out that Ireland relies heavily on inward investment by US corporations. "If you openly came out against the US, you would damage that access to Corporate America."
There were other reasons for preserving the feel-good factor with the US. Washington had long been a key player in the Northern Ireland peace process. Irish beef exports received favourable treatment over Britain during the foot-and-mouth crisis and Ireland had enjoyed special status, in effect, in the provision of immigrant visas. Ireland's standing with the White House was reflected in the fact that there were only two occasions in the year when the President went to Capitol Hill, home of the Congress. One was the State of the Union address and the other was the Speaker's Lunch to mark St Patrick's Day.
But all this was missing the point, according to the Labour MEP, Mr Proinsias De Rossa. "If we were talking about a run-of-the-mill issue, which didn't involve a fundamental shift in how the world was governed, one could make those sort of arguments, but the Bush administration was tearing up the understanding we have had up to now that the more powerful elements in the world need to work together within the UN."
He added that the Government, "seemed incapable of conceiving of a different kind of relationship with the US, mediated through the European Union". But the war would not be a decisive election issue here as it had been in Spain: "They have soldiers on the spot."
Last year the Government permitted 3,691 military aircraft to overfly Ireland. This represents a 50 per cent increase on the 2002 figure of 2,460. The Government permitted 612 civilian aircraft containing munitions to land at Shannon Airport in 2003.
The vast majority of munitions are understood to be the personal arms of US troops. Clearance was given to a further 270 civilian aircraft carrying munitions to over-fly Irish airspace.
In 2002, the Government allowed just one civilian aircraft land at Shannon with arms, while clearances were given to just 30 civilian aircraft with arms to overfly Irish airspace. A total of 125,855 US troops passed through Shannon Airport last year. This earned an estimated €15 million for Aer Rianta.
A spokesman for the Department of Foreign Affairs said overflight and landing facilities were still in place: "We don't give out any details of which countries use them but requests continue to be received and, subject to meeting the conditions, permission is still being granted."