The case for: The old "Emerald Isle" tendency is no longer in control, writes Kate Hoey
The letters from Larry Whitty, British Labour Party general secretary, arrived on the same day. One, to the young man in Belfast, thanked him for his request to join the Labour Party but regretted that, because of the particular political and historical position of Northern Ireland: "I cannot accept your request." The other was to a man in Cork. This time Whitty said: "I have pleasure in enclosing your membership card and if you would like to become more involved please fill in the enclosed questionnaire."
Having been born and educated in Northern Ireland before moving to live in London - the capital city of my country - I am personally affronted by the current Labour Party policy of refusing members from Northern Ireland. Should I move to Baghdad or Boston, I could retain my membership and continue to vote for the party. But if I return to Belfast I would have to relinquish membership and enter political limbo. It is plainly ridiculous that Irish citizens living in Dublin or London can join the party, but British citizens living in Derry cannot do so.
Undoubtedly it is a fundamental breach of human rights and blatant discrimination by a party that believes in justice and equality.
Thousands of trade unionists in Northern Ireland already opt to pay the political levy and many of them were able through their union to participate in the election of Tony Blair as leader in 1994. Despite being refused membership Andy McGirven, a GMB member from Belfast, will be a member of his union's delegation in Bournemouth this week, voting on Labour policies. Angry at continuing to be unable to join the party that is governing Northern Ireland, he has, backed by the GMB, taken legal action. The case is due to be held in November.
The old "emerald isle" tendency within the Labour Party is no longer in control of Labour policy like it used to be. This was the romantic Catholic nationalist vision of a united Ireland that most people in the South of Ireland abandoned long ago - described by Ruth Dudley Edwards as all harps, round towers, wolfhounds and colleens.
The Belfast Agreement resolved the constitutional question. The Republic gave up its claim to Northern Ireland and the agreement stated that Northern Ireland would stay part of the United Kingdom and "shall not cease to be so" without the consent of the majority of the people of Northern Ireland. The Labour Party no longer demands the unity of Ireland. Tony Blair, in a speech two weeks after the election victory of 1997, made it clear he valued the Union and that it would still exist in the lifetime of the youngest person at that meeting. The time when it was considered politically incorrect in Labour Party circles for Northern Ireland citizens to wish to belong to the United Kingdom has passed.
Labour Party activity in Northern Ireland could help to make politics work.
I have no illusion that Labour would win seats in the House of Commons nor indeed that thousands would flock to join. It will be a long haul. But politics is about more than elections. Labour would begin to attract members from both traditions who at the moment are alienated from current parties. It would lead to the voices and experiences of Northern Ireland citizens having an influence on the government which taxes them.
Kevin McNamara has accused those who support the change as a minority fanatical core. This afternoon he will be in the minority as conference finally votes to give Northern Ireland citizens their democratic right.
Kate Hoey is Labour MP for Vauxhall and a former sports minister