YOU had to be part of it to know what it was really like. Nervousness does not describe it. Nor does jitteriness, nor edginess. It goes much deeper. Right to the pit of the stomach and it does not go away.
No. Drapier is not writing a medical column this week. He is describing the sort of nail-biting apprehensiveness which gripped most of us in here these past weeks. The waiting is always the worst. Now we are off and thank heavens the waiting is over.
In fact, Drapier would not be human if he said he was not moved by the events of Thursday morning. The Order of Business was rumbustious with one good line supplied to the Taoiseach by Pat Rabbitte - "the rainbow always prevails over the shower" but otherwise riddled with bad puns. Brian Cowen even managed to be Brian Cowen, giving Sean Treacy a last chance to exert his authority.
We will miss him - Sean Treacy that is. He has been one of the great Ceann Comhairles and the standing ovation we all gave him at the end of business on Thursday told its own story. He was the perfect Ceann Comhairle for the first phase of the television age. At times, he may have "hammed", but he did it with style.
The jiggy mood was such in here on Thursday that the Seanad got itself caught up in existentialist discourse when Michael Lanigan questioned House leader Maurice Manning about the very nature of the Order of Business itself. There was a touch of Kafka about the whole thing and by then it was time to call halt.
For Drapier, the real action of Thursday was in the Member's Room after the Order of Business, as respected colleagues and friends like Mervyn Taylor, Ted Nealon, Godfrey Timmons, Maire Geoghegan-Quinn, Peter Barry and Ger Connolly took their leave of us. The emotion was genuine and the loss will be real, but in all cases the going is voluntary and the record will speak for itself.
As Drapier has said more than once before, the portrayal of Leinster House - not least by some of our own - is often cynical and hides the reality of genuine friendship and respect across party lines.
The dissolution ceremony itself was short. The announcement was well handled by John Bruton and given a bit of polish by Mary Harney. The only jarring note was the graceless performance of Bertie Ahern who tried to turn the whole thing into a party political point-scoring exercise. It didn't work and from what Drapier hears did little to impress the people watching on television - especially the juvenile bit of "red, white and blue" doggerel.
Before looking ahead, Drapier will take a quick look back at the life of the 27th Dail. It gave us excitement and drama. Too much for Drapier's settled ways. It also gave us good government. Maybe not textbook stuff but more legislation and better legislation than in any other parliament Drapier can remember.
Historians will see it as having been a time of change, such as we have not seen in decades and for the most part Drapier thinks we have managed it well. Yes, much of it was reactive but in Drapier's view none the worse for that. This is not an easy country to change and it often needs a sort of earthquake to create the conditions in which change is possible. Otherwise, the vested interests can create gridlock as has been the case for many years previously. So Drapier says to the two governments of this parliament - you did a lot more than anyone gives you credit for.
The whole thing points up to Drapier one of the major problems we are all facing in the campaign. That is the difficulty of getting media attention for stories that are positive and real. Drapier is not whinging or talking about conspiracies but it is in the nature of the media to prefer the negative, the sensational or the scandalous over the positive.
It has long been thus and sadly it can point up the attraction of negative campaigning. It is a temptation Drapier hopes all parties will resist. Drapier has been hearing and reading a great deal this week that this is going to be a dirty campaign. It's always possible that this could turn into a self-fulfilling prophesy and there is no doubt some people would like to make it so. Let Drapier issue a warning. Dirty tactics are a sign of weakness not strength; they distract from the core message, they may please some of the fanatics on your own side but usually end up diminishing all politicians rather than enhancing any particular group.
Drapier is not preaching. He is telling it as he sees it. And there is always the old "balance of terror" argument. Nobody owns the high moral ground. It's a dangerous place, best left to the professional moralists.
Indeed, talking of openness and all that, Drapier wonders if our newspapers and media columnists will be as open with the public as they expect the rest of us to be. Will election policy in these organisations be decided by small cabals? Will there be central direction? Will the public be told the criteria governing media preference? Or will it be one law for politicians and another for the newspaper barons and the powerful columnists?
Not that Drapier expects any real answer to that question.
Drapier mentioned last week the headaches we are all going to get from the opinion polls. Last weekend, Fine Gael had a wobble.
THIS weekend, it is Fianna Fail's turn - an ominous drop for them at a crucial time.
But Drapier is not changing his tune. There will be many more polls before the campaign is over and all of us can expect bad news from some of them. As Drapier has been saying this past two years it's all there to play for - there are still 16 per cent undecided - and Drapier will get on with his canvassing and let the pundits pick the entrails of the various polls. He can't say often enough they are merely a snapshot in time. And yes, he means it. Only one poll counts.
Of the two major launches this week the Rainbow presentation was, to Drapier at least, the winner. Not necessarily on content - Drapier leaves that to the punters - but certainly on presentation and focus it was a strong clear performance. Drapier for the life of him can't understand why Fianna Fail re-opened the abortion issue. It's trouble all the way and a turn-off for the voters who are more concerned that the economy is kept on a secure footing.
That's the message Drapier has been getting on the doorsteps. The economy and political stability are the issues and victory will lie with the parties that best address them. Already, Drapier can sense a mood different to any he has known previously. And so far there is no evidence that it is a mood for change.