THIS week saw the new Government settling into position (and the Mercs). Drapier has often wondered how a transition from an outgoing government to the incoming government happens in practice.
The three-week "interregnum" between the election and the change of government meant that John Bruton, Dick Spring and Co were able to pretend they were the government even though they had lost the election.
The incoming Government was keeping a very close eye on them to see if they would give in to the temptation of appointing their own to State boards before the formal handover.
And so it would appear that Michael Noonan succumbed to this temptation by appointing some of his to health board positions despite the fact that, at the time of appointment, the vacancies had not formally occurred.
While it is always "fair in love and war" to appoint party friends to vacancies before a government goes out of office, it is not the done thing to make appointments "into the future", which is apparently what Noonan tried.
Brian Cowen, his successor, immediately reversed these decisions which, in itself, is unprecedented but which Cowen may have found necessary to do. The ministerial appointees on health boards are very important as they can often determine which political grouping holds the balance of power. Cowen was having none of that. This one could get dirty next week when the Dail returns.
Another issue which will raise its head in the Dail next week is the Dunnes Stores payments tribunal revelations of this week. The Opposition is homing in on the reported Pounds 40 million account in the control of the late accountant Des Traynor.
It never ceases to amaze Drapier how a change of government causes a game of musical chairs. The previous government (now Opposition) drafted the tribunal's terms of reference quite restrictively.
It was felt that Bertie Ahern, then in opposition, potentially went too far with his encouragement for the setting up of a tribunal: instead of backfiring on him his decision proved to be a defining moment in his, and Fianna Fail's, fortunes.
The tribunal chairman, by his statement on this took the (political) heat out of the situation, but Drapier thinks it will not go away that easily.
An interesting little sideshow at the tribunal was the revelation that Fine Gael's Paul McGrath was prepared to relate details of his involvement with Michael Lowry over an urban renewal designated site in Mullingar.
Drapier had heard recently that Mr Lowry was not too enamoured of Fine Gael, and particularly John Bruton. A pointer in this regard was the fact that while he voted for Bruton's nomination as Taoiseach, he abstained on the vote in Bertie Ahern's case.
It had been said around the corridors that Lowry only voted for Bruton on the first day; that he was making it quite clear that he would not religiously vote with the Opposition. In fact it had been said to Drapier that Lowry bad put out word that he would not pull the Fianna Fail/PDs Government down.
The allegations by McGrath may very well copperfasten Lowry's apparent distancing from Fine Gael. While on the face of it McGrath's allegations may damage Lowry, there must also be, again, collateral damage to Fine Gael. Surely, if people in that party were not aware of what was going on, they must have been sleep-walking.
The same could be said for Fianna Fail during the years when large amounts of money were winding their way to bank accounts allegedly for Mr Haughey. While Monday's revelations to the tribunal were dramatic, so much had been out in the public domain that people were not altogether surprised.
The fact that Haughey is alleging that he did not know, at the time, who the donor was brought a wry smile to quite a number of faces around here. Haughey has always had a dramatic effect on Irish politics and his influence in this regard is undiminished. It will be "standing room only" when he comes to give his evidence.
The hepatitis C affair, a huge thorn in the side of the outgoing government, would now appear to be causing the incoming Government some difficulties. It had promised to publish all the files showing how the legal strategy in the Brigid McCole case was arrived at.
Bertie Ahern had promised at the second Cabinet meeting that the matter would be addressed, but when this was held the Cabinet did not deliver, but promised action very soon. Drapier warns: woe betide them if they row back on their commitment to publish. It is not the Opposition they will have to answer to but the public.
What a poisoned chalice has been handed to the new Irish and British governments. The run-up to Drumcree is yet again fraught with tension, not made any better by the threat to people in the Republic by loyalist paramilitaries.
It will take all Bertie Ahern's negotiating skills to help calm the situation, but Drapier does not think that even he will be able to work miracles. Drapier's advice to all is to hold on to your seats. It looks as if it will get rough.
The Exchequer returns announced this week must have been music to the Government's ears (and brought dismay to the outgoing rainbow). The forecasts are unprecedented, and the Government is set to preside over the best years ever for our country.
However, Drapier warns that it is "pay-back time" and he would advise the Government not to forget that. It might want to respond favourably but must not forget that there are still problems in our society and these must be addressed urgently.
The rainbow thought it would electorally reap the benefit of the Celtic Tiger, but it did not. It may be that it was not perceived to have spread the benefit. The new incumbents must not make the same assumptions.