If you believed what you read in the papers, you wouldn't be optimistic about the prospects for Senator George Mitchell's review of the implementation of the Belfast Agreement. Neither Sinn Fein nor the Ulster Unionists seem to be approaching the talks in the spirit of compromise and flexibility so desperately required.
Mr David Trimble was pessimistic and combative in equal measure yesterday. He didn't want to see "those thugs being given power", he told BBC's Breakfast with Frost. He condemned proposed reforms of the RUC and the British government's decision that the Provisional IRA ceasefire hadn't been broken. He accused Mr Blair of being "engaged in a process of appeasing evil".
The Sinn Fein chairman, Mr Mitchel McLaughlin, was similarly pessimistic but offered different reasons. The UUP had regressed into a "harder and harder position". Now it was even refusing to talk directly to Sinn Fein. Both parties said they were taking part in the review with deep scepticism.
But while neither delegation will be bouncing merrily into Castle Buildings today, their public statements of pessimism cannot be taken at face value. After all, they made negative noises all last week about taking part in the review. Yet in reality they were doing nothing other than playing hard to get. And there is every reason to believe that a similar scenario exists today.
Both party leaderships want, indeed need, this process to work. Mr Gerry Adams and Mr David Trimble have invested too much time, energy and credibility in the process to contemplate failure.
But both are hampered by suspicious grassroots. Public quarrelling by the respective leaders of Ulster Unionism and republicanism - and the perception that the situation is much more hopelessly confrontational than it actually is - help the leaderships retain control of their base.
It convinces the grassroots that traditional beliefs and policy positions have not been abandoned. Mr Trimble's indignation at the murder of Charles Bennett and transatlantic gun-smuggling is well known. Yet in August, in the immediate aftermath of both events, the UUP was actually engaged in secret talks with Sinn Fein.
Representatives of both parties, with the approval of their leaderships, discussed ways of ending the decommissioning deadlock. It appeared to be accepted that the Provisionals couldn't hand over weapons at present but might do so in the event of political progress.
One scenario discussed was the setting up of an effective shadow executive which would develop into a full-blown executive after decommissioning. This potential solution will undoubtedly be prominent in Senator Mitchell's thoughts.
It seems one which the leaderships of both parties could buy. It won't be so easy with their grassroots.
Recent Provisional IRA activity has hardened the unionist base. And senior members of the UUP, including its deputy leader, Mr John Taylor, are increasingly wary of the current process.
Last month's confrontation between nationalist residents and the RUC on Belfast's lower Ormeau Road has strengthened many grassroots Provisionals' resolve to hold on to their weapons. The question is not so much can Mr Trimble and Mr Adams reach a compromise. It's really whether they can bring their grassroots with them.