Stormont ministers could assume responsibility for policing and justice issues within the lifetime of the next Northern Ireland Assembly.
And the proposed International Monitoring Body might play a role in preventing any Assembly party seeking unreasonably to delay the devolution of policing and justice powers.
These possibilities were spelt out last night as the opening of the Sinn Féin ardfheis marked a two-week countdown to an "acts of completion" deal London and Dublin believe will signal the end of the IRA as an active paramilitary organisation and enable the restoration of Northern Ireland's devolved government following the Assembly elections on May 29th.
It now seems clear that, while the British Government plans to lift the suspension of the Assembly, it does not expect Mr David Trimble's Ulster Unionists to resume ministerial office ahead of the elections.
A firm timetable for the devolution of policing and justice powers is believed critical to a historic decision by Sinn Féin to endorse the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) and to take its seats on the Policing Board following the elections.
While the British government has given its "in principle" commitment, senior republicans fear making the detail and timetabling conditional upon agreement by the political parties could be the means by which the project will be put on the long finger.
Whitehall sources describe the process of separating policing from "national security" issues and recasting the administration of police, security and criminal justice agencies as "incredibly complex".
While a lot of work has already been undertaken at an administrative level, they admit the task of reaching agreement on the "model" and detail for devolution, and then affecting the necessary legislation, could continue into the later stages of the next Assembly's term.
This raises the outside possibility that Stormont ministers might not actually be in position to exercise security and justice powers until the third Assembly is elected in 2008.
British sources say this is unlikely, and suggest that the combination of "acceptable acts of completion all round" coupled with a satisfactory election outcome, and a successful formal review of the Belfast Agreement due in September, could transform the atmosphere in which the devolution debate is conducted.
They also raise the possibility that the proposed International Monitoring Body (IMB) could call to account any party not showing good faith in its approach to that discussion.
Attention to the role of the IMB so far has largely focused on its creation in response to Mr Trimble's demand for "sanctions" to be deployed against any party deemed in breach of its commitment to exclusively peaceful and democratic means. It has also been assumed the IMB would similarly monitor the implementation of British undertakings on demilitarisation.
However, this is the first clear indication that the international body - which it is understood would comprise nominees from Britain, Northern Ireland, the Republic and the United States - might undertake a much more comprehensive role in monitoring political as well as military and paramilitary aspects of any "acts of completion" settlement.
It is also a reminder of the political battle facing Mr Trimble if he is to secure majority Ulster Unionist backing for any such deal and to fight the election on a manifesto commitment to resume power-sharing with Sinn Féin thereafter.
While some of his supporters are unsure whether the introduction of the IMB marks a disavowal of British "sovereignty" over Northern Ireland, nationalist politicians do not deny it at least overrides the previous unionist "theology" on "Strand One" issues which decreed that the internal government of Northern Ireland was exclusively a matter for the British government and the parties there.
British and SDLP sources are agreed that the immediate priority for the parties will be to agree on "the model" to which policing and justice powers should be devolved, and say this could be achieved by Christmas.