The Sheedy affair is still with us and Drapier has no doubt it will continue to be for some time. Whether we will ever know the "why" of it all is another question, though in a funny way Drapier thinks we probably will, if for no other reason than that most of the principals involved have shown little stomach for carrying the can and when the dust settles we may find more than one doing his bit to "set the record straight".
As a general rule politicians value loyalty, some would say too much or at times unwisely, but one way or another it tends to be one of the hallmarks of our trade. Nobody would rush to accuse the eminent legal brethren of any overabundance of this quality. The knifing, backstabbing and bloodletting of the past few weeks would make even the bloodiest political "heave" look like the proverbial vicarage tea party.
Drapier was amused at some of the headlines. We were told that during the crisis we in Leinster House were living in a state of permanent tension, bracing ourselves for that dive into those cold uncharted waters we kept hearing about, shivering in our boots about the prospect of a clash between the two powerful independent arms of State. Apparently we were to be seen huddled in corners delving into John Kelly's textbook on the Constitution, gathered around our radios analysing every word from the estimable Prof Gwynn Morgan of UCC, parsing the learned pronouncements of Vincent Browne as they issued forth in print and in the ether.
The reality in Leinster House, at least as Drapier saw it, was very different, and much, much more calm.
For a start the word "impeach" does not exist in our Constitution and there was never any question of a trial or of witnesses ever having to appear before either or both Houses.
Hugh O'Flaherty added to the hype with his declarations of fighting all the way to the last backbencher, but to tell the truth nobody in here, and Drapier means nobody, ever saw it coming to that.
If it had, however, a simple motion would have sufficed and it would have been an all-party motion.
This was especially so, since the initiative would have had to come from Fianna Fail, and given that all of the principal players belong to what can be loosely called the wider Fianna Fail family, Dail discipline would have been tight, debate brief and delay minimal. And, as for all the talk of people in here taking pleasure in it all, and especially in seeing the judiciary in disarray, this once again leaves Drapier puzzled. The tension between politicians and the judiciary is invariably at a policy level and is rarely, at least in Drapier's experience, personal.
There are legitimate grounds for political concern at the growing encroachment of the judiciary into areas of public policy but that is true of every country with a written constitution and judicial review.
It is par for the course, and only rarely becomes personal. Most of us get on with our daily business, without too much time spent worrying about the Four Courts. Legal costs and expenses arising out of tribunals are a different matter altogether, but not relevant in this instance.
Indeed in this particular case there was no personal agenda that Drapier could detect. Hugh O'Flaherty and Cyril Kelly were perhaps more politically known than most judges. Both were previously strong supporters of Fianna Fail but were respected across party lines as decent and good judges and were seen as utterly non-partisan once appointed.
And at a personal level each was liked, indeed very well liked, and continue to be.
So all this talk of politicians gloating is simply not true. But the whole affair has raised some very serious questions which won't go away.
That this is so was very clear on Thursday morning's Order of Business when John Bruton raised the question of whether legislation would be needed to implement the pension arrangements of those who resigned and of the need for them to explain further.
Bruton's question seemed to take Bertie Ahern and John O'Donoghue by surprise or, as seemed more apparent to those who were in the Chamber, it was a question they did not particularly want to address. The body language showed a level of discomfort which may, or may not, be a token of things yet to come.
And it won't have been helped by Mary Harney's apparent endorsement of this position and Bruton's upping of the stakes since then.
Meanwhile of course the rumour mills grind on. It is clear to Drapier that some elements of the media have the bit between their teeth on this one and are heading in a particular direction.
From past experience they will not easily give up and it is this as much as anything else which persuades Drapier that the coming weeks may be eventful, and not necessarily pleasant.
Meanwhile, this weekend, the PDs have their get-together in Galway. For them it's both the best of times and the worst of times.
It's the best of times because Mary Harney is doing extremely well as Tanaiste. She has shown steel in her dealings with Fianna Fail and shown that she will not be taken for granted while her party has an influence in Government out of all proportion to its size. And for the most part it's a positive and healthy influence.
In addition, her junior ministers, Liz O'Donnell and Bobby Molloy, get on with their work in a competent way while Des O'Malley continues to make a distinctive and worthwhile contribution.
But it's the worst of times because the party is stuck in the electoral doldrums. Unless Des O'Malley runs it will not get a seat in the Euro-elections, and the betting is that he will not run. The PDs may end up not even having a single Euro candidate, and that, for a national party, is very serious.
More ominous is the absence so far of strong new candidates at local level. Indeed the most striking aspect of the local elections has been the erosion of PD councillors. What this means in future electoral terms is worrying and it contrasts dismally with the surge of bright enthusiastic people to the party in the heady days of the 1980s.
Drapier does not know what answers, if any, Mary Harney has this weekend. But Drapier believes the PDs have made a huge contribution to Irish politics and their influence has been a positive one.
In a real sense they have been a catalyst for change, and have helped set at least part of the current political agenda. But whether they will go the way of other mould-breakers, like Clann na Poblachta, or carve out a new niche, no one can say.
Anyway, Drapier's advice to the PDs this weekend is to enjoy Galway and all it has to offer.