IF THE Lemass O'Neill meetings captured the headlines, most of these files indicate the extent to which Northern Ireland was seen in 1965 as, at best, a peripheral problem.
Reports from Irish embassies abroad make little reference to the North, particularly the US where the focus was on the Vietnam war.
Reports from the London Embassy confirm the marginal nature of Irish matters for the British political parties.
For example, there was no, mention at all of Northern Ireland or Irish matters at the Tory conference, while at the Labour conference in Blackpool, according to the Irish diplomat, Paul Keating: "When the question of Irish problems was mentioned, it was mentioned in a semi jocose way.
Keating's report highlighted the extent to which the Irish issue in British politics had been captured by "groups very far to the left". The result was that most mainstream politicians ignored it, while friction between these groups made effective presentation impossible.
Keating also noted friendliness on the part of the Northern Ireland Labour Party and a willingness to think in terms of cross Border regional co operation.
NILP friendliness was not, however, reciprocated by the Nationalist Party when it visited London in January 1964. But that visit to London and evidence in other files indicates that the Nationalist Party was beginning a review of traditional policy. Dublin was encouraging it to do so.
For example, when its leader, Cahir Healy, wrote to Lemass in 1963 seeking advice on questions of electoral strategy, Lemass's reply clearly indicated that this was a matter for themselves and not for the Dublin government.
Essentially, and with encouragement from Dublin, the Nationalist Party was being encouraged to lessen its concentration on partition and concentrate on economic, social and legal areas of discrimination where measurable progress could be made.
To make its case in Westminster, which up to now had gone by default, almost the entire Nationalist Party visited Westminster in late January 1964. According to reports from the then Ambassador, Con Cremin, the trip was not well organised and the MPs talked to the converted. Only one Conservative MP met them and little more than a dozen Labour.
Yet the visit's significance was enormous. For the first time the Nationalist MPs had come to Westminster; they found that their case was listened to and they were given encouragement by people of the stature of Jo Grimmond and Lord Longford.
In addition, there was good television coverage. It was a learning experience which greatly angered the Unionists, who felt their preserve had been invaded.
It was a step on the road to the momentous decision of the Nationalist Party in February 1965 to accept the role of official Opposition party in Northern Ireland, though ultimately that decision was precipitated by the Lemass O'Neill visits.
All that said, however, perhaps the most surprising aspect of Northern Ireland matters at this time is how little contact there was between Northern Nationalists and the Dublin government during this period, and how little Northern Ireland figured as a serious political issue.