For a short time, it seemed the Government might spread the net on dubious practices when Charlie McCreevy agreed to consider a Fine Gael amendment on the ownership of the Ansbacher Deposits.

Michael Noonan had been hesitant in the extreme. Unlike the other parties, Fine Gael hadn't asked that the powerful and wealthy account owners be named if the Ansbacher Deposits were found to have been used as mechanisms to evade tax or exchange controls. Just that the tribunal should suggest steps to prevent such things happening in future.

But before document shredders could hum into action, the Minister for Finance made it clear that the Ansbacher accounts would not be directly investigated. Instead, the tribunal would be asked to make general recommendations about the policing of offshore accounts for tax fraud purposes.

That was about as far as Government concessions went. There was no question of Ray Burke's receipt of a £30,000 donation in 1989 being subject to a private, preliminary investigation, by the tribunal. Fianna Fail and the PDs were insistent that the relevant questions had been answered and the issue was closed.

Pat Rabbitte from Democratic Left didn't agree. He believed public concern could be allayed if the tribunal was asked to inquire into the payment and into the personal statement made to the Dail by the Minister for Foreign Affairs about the circumstances in which the money had changed hands.

The matter would not have to form part of the tribunal's formal terms of reference, Mr Rabbitte said. It could be asked to review the matter in its preliminary, private, inquiries. And if nothing untoward was found, that would be the end of the matter.

John Gormley of the Green Party wasn't so restrained. He criticised the main opposition parties for their reluctance to confront Mr Burke. And he said the Minister's implied threat that others would go down with him was the cause of that reluctance. It was a case of damage limitation and self-preservation for the political establishment.

Joe Higgins of the Socialist Party sang off a similar hymn sheet. The tribunal was designed to divert attention on to two discredited individuals, while leaving the interface between business and politics unchanged. The Government didn't want to delve any deeper and had produced narrow terms of reference as a result.

Fine Gael and Labour took a reluctant lead from the smaller parties. Overnight, they had become convinced of the need for a preliminary investigation of Mr Burke's claims. And they swung behind the Democratic Left amendment.

The Minister for Finance was scathing. Opposition deputies were nothing but a bloody pack of hypocrites. Only a handful had nothing to hide. Mr Burke had answered the questions put to him, Mr McCreevy said, and had created a Dail precedent in doing so. No further evidence had been adduced against the Minister and the Government had no intention of extending the terms of reference.

Mary Harney managed to make a speech without once mentioning Mr Burke. The leader of the Progressive Democrats spoke of rescuing Irish political life "from the ravages of understandable cynicism". And then she disclosed that two inspectors had been appointed to examine the affairs of Mr Lowry's companies and Mr Ciaran Haughey's helicopter firm for breaches of company law. And, the Tanaiste said, she was actively pursuing similar issues with Dunnes Stores.

It made no impact on the Opposition parties. They were too focused on damaging the Government at that stage. They wanted investigations into everything: the purchase of Carysfort, passports for sale, the sale of Glen Ding Wood to Cement Roadstone, Telecom Eireann, export credit insurance for beef, the rezoning of land and the licensing of ESAT Digiphone.

The opposition was trying to have its cake and eat it. When Bertie Ahern first suggested the tribunal might examine the various controversies for wrongful political influence, John Bruton encouraged him to "follow the money trail" as the primary method for uncovering corruption. And when he agreed to do so, the opposition parties wanted the controversies examined as well. It's the scatter-gun approach. If the spread of shot is wide enough, somebody or something is sure to be hit.

A succession of Fine Gael speakers advised the Dail that there were five Ministers in the present Government who had once been appointed by Charlie Haughey. And if he was guilty, what about them? The spectre of political sins generated by word, deed or omission hung in the air.

But most attention centred on Mr Burke. Roisin Shortall was furious over the Minister's attempt "to spread muck by implying that we are all engaged in this kind of activity".

Jim Higgins, Fine Gael's new justice spokesman, delved into the passports for sale controversy. But the Coalition Government machine ground on. And, with the voting assistance of Mildred Fox, Harry Blaney and Jackie HealyRae, the Government parties emerged with a majority of seven. Mr Burke's line in the sand remained.