CAMPAIGN ISSUES: The political left in Ireland is unusual for its opposition to European integration compared with the left's view in other EU states, argues John Palmer.
With the possible exception of Denmark, Ireland's debate about the Nice Treaty is unique in that it finds a large proportion of the political left in the No camp. In most EU countries, opposition to further European integration and especially to the development of a democratic constitution has come from the conservative right and especially from the populist far right. In general, organised labour, the social democratic parties and the bulk of the political left have been in favour of both enlargement and a stronger, more political European Union.
Indeed the most recent general election seems to confirm this trend in Denmark as well, with the emergence of the stronger anti-European far-right Danish People's Party. Meanwhile, pro-European voices are now asserting themselves more strongly on the left. Perhaps the most outspoken advocates of a federalising European democracy and a European Union with real clout in world affairs has come from the formerly Euro-sceptic Green parties in France, Germany and other countries.
Indeed, opinion poll evidence in Ireland - admittedly scanty - suggests that the strongly anti-Nice Treaty leaders of the Green Party, Sinn Féin and the independent left do not speak for all their own supporters. Green voters appear to be split 50/50 on whether or not to ratify the Nice Treaty. Ironically, most Green, socialist and left republican voters want to see stronger, not weaker, European Union policies to boost jobs, raise social standards, protect the environment and secure sustainable growth.
As a broad generalisation, many on the mainstream conservative right in European politics and in business now believe that - to quote one Italian right of centre politician - "we have all - or most - of the Europe we need." That is not a universally held opinion. The European Round Table of Industrialists wants to see a stronger and more effective EU capable to equipping the European economy with the means of meeting global competition.
However, there are fewer voices on the political right today speaking out for any further significant transfer of decision-making authority from the national to the European level. But that is not the situation on the political left, where social democratic parties, the European trade union movement and - a fortiori - leftist parties insist that the EU must balance the creation of the single market and the euro with the construction of a European "social model", based on protection of universal public services, workers' rights and environmentally sustainable growth.
The European counterparts to Ireland's Green party, left republicans and independent socialists acknowledge that to achieve such ambitious goals will require not only closer European integration, but also stronger, more democratically accountable European Union institutions. Ironically the likes of Justin Barrett and his anti-immigrant wing of the anti-Nice movement are more in step with their far-right ideological co-thinkers elsewhere in Europe than the Irish Greens and left.
Nor is the picture significantly different when it comes to the more contentious issues of a common European foreign, security and defence policy. Right-wing parties in Europe are very much divided about whether they wish to see a stronger security role for the EU.
The British Conservatives are not the only ones who fear that the more the EU is capable of speaking with one voice on foreign and security policy issues and capable of independent action in peacekeeping and peace implementation challenges, the more the leadership role of the US will be challenged and the present function of NATO called into question.
When the EU (and NATO) stood by for three years while extremist Serb and Croat xenophobes destroyed the multi-ethnic character of Bosnia, European left-wingers and Greens were loudest in demanding military intervention to stop genocide against the Bosnians.
Elsewhere in Europe, Green and left parties understand that if the European Union abandons any attempt to articulate and implement a serious common foreign and security policy it will in effect leave all the key decisions on world affairs to one, dominant superpower - to George Bush and the United States.
The main complaint by Greens and left-wingers elsewhere in Europe is that the EU is too slow - not too fast - in agreeing to one foreign, security and defence policy and too slow - not too fast - in asserting its own interests and values vis-à-vis the United States over Palestine, Iraq and other issues.
Of course more or less everyone else on the left and in the Green movement in Europe may be wrong and only the movements in Ireland are marching in step with the times. But in the run-up to this week's crucial referendum Irish Greens and progressives might just ask whether they want to be on the same side of the barricades as their European comrades or with Justin Barrett and his like.
John Palmer is political director of The European Policy Centre. He writes in a personal capacity.