Peter Robinson is regarded as one of the most successful ministers inthe Northern Ireland Executive. But he remains committed to removing Sinn Féin from government, he tells Suzanne Breen.in from government, he tells Suzanne Breen
The DUP's vehement opposition to the Belfast Agreement is well known: but ask almost anyone at Stormont to name the most impressive minister so far in the new administration and they will say Peter Robinson.
Senior civil servants, journalists, and Assembly members - including staunch opponents - acknowledge that, unlike some of his Executive colleagues, Robinson has no difficulty mastering his brief.
As Regional Development Minister, he is responsible for the North's transport, water, and sewerage systems - public services neglected under 30 years of direct rule from Westminster, he says. "Successive secretaries of state came for a few years and then left. They had no commitment to Northern Ireland.
"A local minister, living here permanently, is more committed to the place. That is the great advantage of devolution. We want to improve the infrastructure for ourselves, our children and our grandchildren."
Robinson was born to be a minister. His intelligence, eye for detail and policy-making skills make for an accomplished performance. Unlike other ministers he doesn't need his civil servants present for media interviews and runs effortlessly through a range of statistics without even a glance at a document.
Last week he published the Regional Transportation Strategy which proposes an extra £1 billion for roads and public transport over the next 10 years on top of the £3 billion his Department is already likely to secure. He was shocked at the scale of the North's transport problems when he became Minister two years ago.
"Transport had suffered from massive underinvestment. It was always the first area hit if the security budget was exceeded or hospitals needed more money. We hadn't been buying new trains, building new roads or filling in the potholes.
"Once Northern Ireland drivers automatically knew when they crossed the Border from the state of the roads, but that situation with the Irish Republic has largely reversed." In his first few weeks in his Department he heard "horrendous stories about our water and sewerage system - Belfast still had Victorian sewers".
His first statement as Minister was to rule out privatisation of the water service - "Safety must always come before financial factors". Another early decision was to introduce free public transport for the over-65s, which pensioners' groups had long been demanding. However, Robinson faced the closure of the North's entire railway network except the Enterprise service to Dublin, the only success story.
He set up a Railways Task Force and is now planning to save the network by buying 23 new trains to replace current stock. He hopes to increase train use by 50 per cent. He has also plans to modernise bus services. His proposals to improve the roads include building 10 new bypasses.
He hopes at least a third of the extra money he needs will come from the private sector. He is proposing schemes such as developers' contributions whereby property developers will pay for wear-and-tear of roads. He is also considering tolls.
He has faced criticism for not doing enough to encourage people out of their cars. The public consultation period for his plans runs until April 16th. After considering the response, he will then bring his final proposals to the Assembly in June.
He wants innovation to be the mark of his Department. Even on holiday in Canada and the US he was picking up ideas for road improvements. Some observers believe his commitment to the job totally contradicts the DUP's objective of overturning the Belfast Agreement and the Executive.
The Ulster Unionist Party is contemptuous of its rival's "half-in, half-out" policy of holding ministries but not attending Executive meetings because of Sinn Féin's presence. The DUP enjoys the power, status and salaries of Stormont while loudly proclaiming its opposition, critics say.
Robinson sees nothing hypocritical in his party's position. "We told the electorate we would serve them and Northern Ireland as best we could, but we would not be partners in government with Sinn Féin. We received a mandate for our policy," he says.
"The rules say we can hold ministries and not attend Executive meetings. The pro-agreement side wrote the rules, we didn't." Not attending Executive meetings doesn't affect his ability to do his job, he says. "It can actually benefit my Department because I can fight its case for funding publicly.
"I also have more independence. I am not tied by collective cabinet responsibility. I am effectively a minister in opposition."
Unlike other unionists, Robinson never speaks to Sinn Féin, even in Stormont's corridors or canteen. If the Sinn Féin member on the Regional Development Committee questions him, Robinson replies through the chair.
IF HIS Department's work has implications for health or education, he writes not to the Sinn Féin ministers - as would be normal - but to their permanent secretaries. He has no problem working with the SDLP.
He is full of praise for the Finance Minister, Sean Farren, and his predecessor, Mark Durkan. "They have been very fair in allocating funds to my Department. They could have played politics but they didn't. I respect that," he says.
He insists his own record is even-handed. "I haven't favoured unionist over nationalist areas. All decisions are made against clearly set out, objective criteria. I would never favour somewhere because it's in my constituency or that of a colleague."
Robinson acknowledges he enjoys his job - "I like a challenge". If the DUP performs well in next year's Assembly elections, he could possibly become First or Deputy First Minister. But he insists that is not his aim.
"If the DUP emerges as the largest unionist party, there will have to be a renegotiation of the Belfast Agreement. I do not accept that we must have Sinn Féin in government. We will be calling for a change to the present structures at Stormont.
"This would not mean a return to direct rule. Devolution doesn't have to involve a system of cabinet government. There are other ways of doing things."